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151.
Twitter, which started as a micro-blogging website, is the third most popular social network next to Facebook and My Space. Twitter is increasingly becoming primary means of communication among individuals and businesses. It is now being used in courts for issuing injunctions. However, Twitter “tweets” are also potential litigation minefield for lawyers, businesses and employers. As a social-networking tool, the use of Twitter can raise a variety of legal issues such as the right of publicity, breach of confidentiality, privacy infringement, fraud trademark infringement, copyright infringement, reverse username hijacking, among others. 相似文献
152.
叶秀山 《江苏行政学院学报》2012,(1):5-11
康德的法权哲学思路是和他的三个《批判》所述一致的,“科学知识”要发现“自然(关系)”中的“必然性”,而“法权学”则是要在“人”的“关系”中发现“必然性”,也就是关于“法权”的“先天综合”何以可能的问题.“法权”问题又和《实践理性批判》里所论述的“自由”密切相关.“自由”的“限制”“关系”就《实践理性批判》所涉及的“道德”来说,“根据”在于一个“形式”的“应该”,而就现实的“国家-法律”来说,则是“自由者”之间的“法权”关系.“法权”“本体的所有”既“悬搁”又“范导”“现象的所有”.“自由者”在“人格-格位”“平等”基础上“限制”着各自的自由,由此而形成的“共同体”乃是“自由的共在”. 相似文献
153.
赵广明 《江苏行政学院学报》2011,(6):18-23
强调人的自由是西方近代以来哲学的主旨.卢梭和康德把西方自由思想推向高潮,尼采继续这种思想,并予以彻底反思.他把自由从柏拉图-基督教的道德传统和宗教语境中拯救出来,使“自由意志”变成“自由的精神”,变成纯粹的“自己”.“自己”意味着超越自己、毁灭自己、创造再生自己;意味着自由地超越再生于自己永恒回复的必然命运;意味着自由... 相似文献
154.
赵清林 《江苏行政学院学报》2009,(4):120-125
私有财产权中的"私有"应解为"私人享有"而非"依私法享有",因此,私有财产权既可为私法上权利,亦可为公法上权利.公法上财产权存在的根据在于宪法上私有财产权在行政法上的直接适用和宪法规定在行政法上的具体化.公法上财产权不能由公法规范和公权力主体的义务直接导出,其成立还需要以该公法规范至少同时亦具有保护特定私人财产利益的目的为前提.基于私人在公法上的一般法律地位,公法上财产权可大致区分为消极的公法上财产权和积极的公法上财产权两大类. 相似文献
155.
叶秀山 《江苏行政学院学报》2009,(1):18-25
自由是哲学--爱智作为学术--科学的最为核心的概念和问题,哲学对它的认识也有一个深化、成熟的过程.这一过程在欧洲哲学中大体上经历了三个阶段和层面:在古代希腊创始阶段,希腊哲人摆脱知识之原始经验技术之束缚,确立了自由知识之地位;至康德哲学,自由通过实践理性上升至哲学之最高层面,使道德以自由--职责为基础;由康德经过黑格尔直到海德格尔,自由由理念回到存在.对于自由的历史考察,可以看出主体--客体、有限--无限、存在--非存在、生--死等问题的内在关系. 相似文献
156.
新儒家在大陆的发展前景 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
杜钢建 《江苏行政学院学报》2004,(2):31-35
重新审视和传承祖先文化的优秀精神,首当其冲要弘扬儒家仁爱思想和心性之学,以制造宽松的文化氛围。大陆新儒家的出现为势所必然,因为只有大陆的改革开放和现代化能够为第三期儒学的全面繁荣开辟道路。时代决定大陆新儒家一开始就要勇于承担空前的历史重任,将儒学从哲学人文领域一直推向和注入政治法律制度。打开良心的大门,开放思想言论自由,儒学当会重放异彩。儒家的许多思想主张可以转化为现代宪政理论。 相似文献
157.
2002年饿罗斯艰难地加入八国集团,但是它与其他成员之间的矛盾重重,在八国集团中的异质性表现越来越突出.八国集团的目标是"自由贸易和民主",根据欧洲智库外交政策中心制定的评估体系进行考核可以发现:俄罗斯的经济规模不利于其加入G8;根据1975年G6成立宣言中列出的承诺与原则,俄罗斯在政治上和经济上都不算是民主和自由的;饿罗斯成为G8成员国是不符合常规的;其他的G8成员国也必须制定出具体的政策,以促使俄罗斯实现其承诺. 相似文献
158.
Mitchell Dean 《Economy and Society》2013,42(1):37-61
This paper examines the intelligibility of authoritarian measures within Foucauldian analyses of the liberal government of the state. Such measures are understood as following from a liberal understanding of the task of government itself. This understanding rests on a distinction between the legal and political order (of 'the state') and a 'liberal police' of what is exterior to it, classically conceived as 'civil society'. The relation between these two aspects is conceived as a series of 'foldings' between the two sides of a liberal governing, which turn the injunction to govern through freedom into a set of binding obligations potentially or actually enforceable by coercive or sovereign instruments. The paper places this perspective within aspects of the genealogies of economy, poverty, welfare and police and discusses the trajectories of such foldings in the present. 相似文献
159.
Daniel W. Smith 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2):299-324
This paper is a critical review article of Paul Patton's book, Deleuze and the Political , and analyzes the relationship between Deleuze and the 'liberal' tradition of political philosophy. It focuses on three concepts drawn from the liberal tradition - normativity, freedom and judgment - and in each case shows how these concepts are capable of being transformed in light of Deleuze's philosophy. For Deleuze, a truly 'normative' principle must be a principle of creation as well as critique: it must not only provide norms for condemning abuses of power, but also a means for transforming norms that have themselves become abuses of power. From a Deleuzian perspective, the normative is thus seen as the condition for the production of the new. The liberal notion of 'negative freedom' in turn finds itself transformed into the stronger notion of 'critical freedom' (Tully), which entails the freedom to critique and create, to transform (and not merely pursue) one's own interest and desires. This entails, finally, an exercise of a kind of judgement outside pre-existing rules or norms that would be truly creative of the new (e.g. the production of new rights). A concluding section of the concept of the 'social imaginary’ shows how Deleuze's work might contribute to a transformation and rejuvenation of the liberal tradition itself. 相似文献
160.
Ying Khai Liew 《The Modern law review》2015,78(2):349-360
The decision in OPO v MLA [2014] EWCA Civ 1277 causes confusion to the rule in Wilkinson v Downton. A strong line of authorities indicates that the defendant must either have an actual intention to cause physical injury or be reckless as to the causing of such harm, the latter being determined by the likelihood of harm being caused by the defendant's act. ‘Imputed intention’ does not form a separate category of mental state. There was also a missed opportunity to develop a ‘justifiability’ criterion, by which policy considerations can be taken into account to preclude an application of the tort. This criterion ought to be developed in a principled manner, in line with the existing jurisprudence concerning human rights and with the policy limitations as developed in the context of other torts. 相似文献