哲学的“未来”观念（上）

西方将哲学称作“形而上学 (metaphysics)”,“meta”和“physics”缺一不可。“形而上学”不能“形式化”,“时间”与“自由”进入“形而上学”,也不能“形式化”。“时间”不可分割,但“时间”与“自由”皆有“度”。“自由”有“你我他”,“时间”有“过去现在未来”。同时这也是“存在”的状态———“人自由者”的一种特殊“存在状态 (Dasein)”。“人”作为“Da sein”是“有死者会死者”,以“死”来划分“时间”的“维度”。“生死”这一过程,就是“自我”的“现时在世”。然而,“死”仍提示着“他者”。在“Dasein”的“过去现在未来”的“度”中,“未来”居于核心的地位。“人”作为“自由者”,是“创造者”。“自由”的“创造”,使“非存在”成为“存在”。“自由”之“创造”,使“未来”成为“希望”。“希望”又使传统哲学范畴的地位发生变化,“可能性现实性”如同“自由必然”一样在理解上有所推进。     

That Enlightenment Question Again

Sandall’s complaint that the Enlightenment is in danger is not new as it repeats a long standing complaint about “the betrayal of the intellectuals”. But the danger today is not from either the Muslim world or from the marginalized academics who pursue an anti-liberal multicultural agenda that belittles the Western liberal tradition. In the United States the menace comes from the much more powerful far right that has abandoned America’s Enlightenment tradition. It is time for academics to start teaching students what that tradition is all about, and why it needs to be defended, but spreading fear about weak and divided Muslim societies is not the way.

积极人格研究述评

积极心理学认为人格心理学研究要致力于研究人格形成的积极因素,而不单是研究人格形成的消极因素。综合现有的文献资料,总结积极心理学在人格研究的观点,及实现积极人格的途径,对目前积极人格的研究具有促进作用。     

民主制度生存的四维理论环境——一种对民主来自政治哲学和法哲学意义上的证辨

民主制度一路栉风沐雨行至这个崇尚中庸理性的时代,在这样一个时代所铸成的理论环境里,秩序理性和自由意志、权力态度和权利本位平静而和谐地交互作用,它们共同为相关制度的生存和发展提供了一个宁谧的四维空间.将民主制度放此空间中进行综合考察,其自身的是非与成败、毁誉与功过以及它对此理论环境的影响会得到全面的理解.     

论我国内地继承法特留份制度之构建——以澳门地区立法为鉴

特留份制度源于罗马法对遗嘱自由的限制,对维护家族伦理关系和社会利益有积极作用,亦成为当今世界各国、地区继承立法的大势所趋。澳门特留份制度立法比较完善、颇具特色,对我国内地立法构建特留份制度有积极的借鉴意义。     

形象权转换性使用规则研究

未经许可借用他人形象制作虚拟人物角色和动漫表情包的现象越来越普遍,应该完全保护个人的肖像权还是为公众自由创作虚拟人物形象和表情包留出空间值得思考。形象权制度下的一系列判例借用版权合理使用制度中的转换性使用规则平衡形象权保护和公众的表达自由,能为如何平衡个人的肖像保护和公众的参与创作和表达带来借鉴。本文通过分析转换性使用规则在形象权案例中的运用,提出应调整转换性使用规则以增强适用该规则判定形象权案例的稳定性。     

迁徙自由入宪与户籍制度问题探讨

迁徙自由是公民的一项基本人权,为国际社会普遍确认。它在我国曾经明文载入宪法,但由于社会历史条件所限,以后未加以明确。在新的历史条件下,第四次修宪首次将"人权"概念引入宪法。明确规定:"国家尊重和保障人权",这为迁徙自由入宪提供了前提。在此背景下,应积极推进户籍制度改革,以充分实现身份平等和迁徙自由。     

Institutional journalism in a revolutionary crisis: the press as an aide to the Muslim Brotherhood 2011–2012

This article is based on the hypothesis that the Egyptian institutional media played an active role in the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ revolution in 2011 and analyzes how Egypt's official newspapers constructed and presented a moderate and positive image of the Muslim Brotherhood (hereinafter the Brotherhood) despite the fact that they had labeled the Brotherhood ‘the outlawed movement’ a year earlier. In order to examine whether their attitudes changed after the downfall of the Mubarak regime, a critical discourse analysis of newspaper texts has been made of the news columns written throughout 2011 of two of the most popular Egyptian newspapers – al-Ahram (n = 115) and al-Gumhuriyya (n = 94) both of which identify with the Egyptian government's official policy. In addition, an analysis made of three of the Brotherhood's publications (n = 72) (N = 281) revealed that the Brotherhood exploited the printed media not only to replace the regime but also to gain control of its narrative. Ultimately, by controlling the shaping of public opinion, the media contributed to the drawing of a parallel between the motivation that formed the basis of the mass protest and the Brotherhood's agenda.