正确处理党的领导与依法独立办案的关系

坚持党的领导是贯穿习近平法治思想的一条主线。正确处理党的领导与依法独立办案的关系,既是贯彻落实习近平法治思想的重要内容,也是司法理论与实践必须回答的重大问题。中国共产党对司法工作的领导具有坚实的历史基础、法理基础和宪法依据。党的领导是依法独立办案的根本保障,坚持依法独立办案本身就是体现党的领导。正确把握党的领导与依法独立办案的关系,必须首先弄清楚党的领导是指党中央的集中统一领导,地方党委对司法工作的领导主要是管方向、管政策、管原则、管干部。各级司法机关党组织必须确保党的领导在司法机关内部得到贯彻落实,依规依法管人管事管案,发挥整体性的引领、管理、监督、保障作用,确保法律统一正确实施。     

汉代儒学的述行策略及其流变面向——兼论“罢黜百家”与百家“曲胜”

There are two paradox voices about the revival of Confucianism constructed by typical phenomena, the victory and the corruption, which display the two directions of Confucianism’s transformation in Han dynasty. Behind the paradox, it’s the academic trend of skills overweighing truth and inter-ccommodation between Zhuzi(诸子); tracing the history, the performative thinking of Confucianism accommodating Zhuzi and carrying out its kingcrafts by submitting to monarch can be clearly sketched. The Confucianism doesn’t win separately by banning Zhuzi , whereas it makes the others succeed indirectly.     

最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的现状、困境与出路——兼对我国《立法法》第99条第1款解释

我国《立法法》预设了最高人民法院提请全国人大常委会进行合宪性审查的路径。从现有裁判文书来看,最高人民法院在实践中并未遵循我国《立法法》所预设的路径,而是在绝大多数案件中回避了合宪性审查诉求,同时又在个别案件中进行了合宪性审查,陷入了完全回避与直接审查的两难困境。造成这种困境的原因在于,我国《立法法》对最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的权力基础、权力行使程序缺乏清晰的规定。对此,亟待通过法律解释进行明确和细化,否则最高人民法院将无章可循,无法贸然提请全国人大常委会进行合宪性审查。为了化解最高人民法院面对的这一困境,有必要对我国《立法法》第99条第1款进行解释,推导出该条款在授予最高人民法院提请审查权时,还隐含着另一项未被释明的权力即预审权,其共同构成最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的权力基础;同时,为了使预审权与提请审查权的行使制度化,有必要对其行使程序进行细化,建立起预审-提请审查机制。     

全过程人民民主:时代价值、制度基础与实践空间

全过程人民民主是党的十八大以来我国社会主义民主政治发展的全新理论命题。全过程人民民主是中国共产党在百年未有之大变局下对人类政治文明新形态的实践探索,是推进国家治理现代化的现实逻辑,体现了中华民族伟大复兴中国梦的内在要求。在中国共产党的百年探索历程中,全过程人民民主有坚实的制度支撑、规范的运作机制、具体的程序设计,是最广泛、最真实、最管用的民主形态,既突出了中国社会主义民主政治发展的显著特色,也彰显了具体民主形式中所蕴含的人类共同价值。在新的历史起点推进全过程人民民主,要坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的有机统一,在理想与现实、普遍性与特殊性、制度与实践的平衡中,适应人民群众对美好政治生活向往的需要,有目标、有步骤、有重点地积极推进。     

Terms of service and bills of rights: new mechanisms of constitutionalisation in the social media environment?

ABSTRACT

From a cursory look at the terms of service of the main social networking websites, it is immediately possible to detect that Facebook’s show a peculiar configuration. Although they represent a mere contract between private parties, these terms adopt the traditional jargon of constitutional texts and articulate their contents in terms of rights, principles and duties. This curious pairing between norms regulating social media and the constitutional sphere is also apparent in a series of non-binding documents that are unequivocally named ‘bill of rights’ and seek to articulate a set of principles to protect social media users. This paper examines whether the emergence of a constitutional tone in this limited number of texts could be related to the effective, or aspirational, constitutional function that these documents exercise. The identification of a series of significant shortcomings will lead to exclude that social media’s terms of service and bills of rights of social media users currently play a constitutionalising role. Nevertheless, the possibility to theoretically justify the use of these documents as mechanisms of constitutionalisation in the social media environment will be adduced as an evidence of the potential constitutional aspirations of these texts.     

韩国金钱债权执行制度概述

在韩国,对金钱债权1的执行主要分为两个阶段,即对债权的押留阶段和现金化阶段。在金钱债权的押留阶段,韩国主要利用押留命令限制第三债务人对债务人清偿,同时禁止债务人对该债权的处分和领受。在金钱债权的现金化阶段,韩国主要利用推寻命令和转付命令对被押留债权进行现金化,将被押留债权转化为金钱,用所得价款清偿执行债务人的债务。我们需要利用比较研究的方法,研究和借鉴韩国关于金钱债权执行制度的法律规定和相关实务经验,不断完善我国关于债权执行制度的相关规定。     

Confidence in an election authority and satisfaction with democracy: Evidence from a quasi-natural experiment of a failed election in Sweden

Contemporary research on electoral integrity has focused on the functioning, evaluation, and legitimacy of electoral processes in emerging democracies. By contrast, this study investigates whether a failed election in a well-established democracy can affect individuals' evaluations of the electoral management body, the Election Authority, and whether those evaluations affect satisfaction with democracy. Using the case of a Swedish regional election in 2010 that had to be rerun due to procedural mistakes in the vote handling, we found that, in the short term, individuals’ confidence in the Election Authority was reduced after it was announced that the election had to be rerun because of the mistakes. Subsequently, this decreased confidence was strongly associated with less satisfaction with democracy at the regional and national level. As good news for the authority, after a successful rerun election, confidence rebounded to the levels prior to the failed election.     

以人的全面发展为导向建设服务型政府意义解析

人民满意已成为我国服务型政府建设的根本目标,建设人民满意的服务型政府必须坚持以人的全面发展为根本的价值导向。人的全面发展理论契合了人民满意的服务型政府实践之需,我国服务型政府建设以人的全面发展理论为指导,增强了马克思主义的理论支撑,彰显了强烈的人学意蕴,并且使其有了新的价值指导和新的评价标准。     

“法律监督机关”的立法内涵、演进逻辑及内在机理

“法律监督机关”是我国宪法对人民检察院的性质定位。1979年《人民检察院组织法》首次将“法律监督机关”法定化,立法内涵为注重法律监督下重建法制权威,是在中国检察理论和实践中形成的机关,侧重刑事诉讼监督和打击犯罪。1982年宪法使“法律监督机关”成为了宪法规范上的国家机关,基于宪法职能和诉讼制度改革而侧重于加强诉讼监督,并在监察体制改革下进行了自我更新,成为与监察委相互配合行使法律监督职能的机关。“法律监督机关”内涵演进的内在机理是人大体制下权力分工模式的必然要求,落实宪法规定的法律监督职能的重要选择,以及参与宪制层面政治体制改革的要求。“法律监督机关”概念内涵具有延展性,会随着立法修订和制度变迁衍生出新的内涵和解释,不断凸显中国特色社会主义检察理论的特性。     

从“女人”到“人”——论莫言作品中的女性形象

从"我奶奶"到"母亲"再到"姑姑",莫言文学作品中的女性大都行为泼辣、敢做敢当,从传统习俗来看,其行为不符合传统认知,甚至可以称得上叛逆。但是,她们内心却有各自对爱情、生活、事业的独特认识和坚守。但在其作品中,"我奶奶"终究还是一位符合男性审美和对女性美好期待的女子;"母亲"则凸显了其背后的象征意义,是一个承载着时代变迁仍旧不折不屈、仁爱宽厚的地母形象;"姑姑"身上的职业标签、人性的本真则超越了其性别身份,让莫言的创作实现了从"写女人"到"写人"的转变,这其中既包含了时代的价值观,也反映了莫言本人对人生、对生活认识的变化,亦是他创作日臻成熟的体现。