Water Privatization in Spain

Abstract

Water management in Spain is submitted to a non‐uniform geographical and seasonal distribution of water resources. The non‐uniform distribution of resources is worsened by the non‐uniform allocation of demand (mainly irrigation and urban). Because that, water supply, aquifers, and wetlands are driven to a high risk. Even though, there are examples of good water management, as is shown for the private industrial productivity of used water. Spain has a very long tradition in public water management (first water law in 1879) at different levels from ministry to municipalities, including users communities. A lot of these organisations are anchored in very old ways of doing, given private sector the opportunity to enter and grow up. A survey about it is presented. In the management of urban water, there are different organisations involved: central administration; autonomic, regional and metropolitan authorities; urban water suppliers and the sanitation authority. The recently approved changes in the former Spanish Water Law, limiting water rights and introducing water market, the new and expected Hydrological National Plan and the European Framework Directive, reinforce the opportunities of the private sector to enter, giving financial resources, technological advances and quick answers to new social concepts in water managerial procedures. We can observe how the Spanish administration uses private water suppliers' front desks to collect taxes and to supply capital to invest in infrastructures and water technology. The question that needs to be addressed is the nature and the impact of the privatisation process in Spain. The unrealistic water urban services price in Spain has been studied and it is presented and evaluated by regions, presenting a deficit to be covered in the future and been a significant gross value of the future business, which invite private sector to participate in. To give a general scope over the evolution of the roll played by the private and public sector, the case of Catalonia, the more evolved autonomous region of Spain in water management, is presented as an example of the future for the rest of the country.     

Changes in surveillance of regulatory enforcement progragrammes in Singapore

In recent years Myanmar underwent drastic political changes. While many see these changes as first tentative steps towards democratization, we argue that the current political transformation is not a deliberate process of liberalization, but a survival strategy of the military regime. Using arguments of the ‘new institutionalism’ as a theoretical foundation, this article explores the hypothesis that the high degree of professionalization of the Burmese military creates the incentive to institutionalize power-sharing among the ruling elite. Our empirical analysis finds evidence for both a highly professionalized military and institutions that by securing the military's continuing dominance serve the purpose of institutionalizing military power- sharing. These results imply that further democratization is unlikely as it must be initiated from within the still dominating military itself.     

军事法制概念再析及其体系重建

时至今日,对军事法制概念在军事法学界仍未作出统一、准确的界定。军事法制应定义为调整涉及国家军事利益社会关系的法律制度以及保证其创制、实施的有关法律制度的总和。军事法制体系是由不同层次、不同方面和不同环节的军事法律制度组成的有机整体。     

Contracts obtained by means of bribery: should they be void or valid?

This paper argues that contracts obtained by means of bribery should be valid. Nullity and voidability decrease the incentive for voluntary disclosure, assist corrupt actors with enforcing their bribe agreements and provide leeway for abuse. Thus, they run counter to effective anti-corruption. It is argued that other instruments are more suitable for preventing corruption.

Regional Arrangements as Agents of the UN Security Council: Some African and European Organisations Contrasted

The increased burden placed upon the UN Security Council in the post-Cold War era in respect of its discharge of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security has fuelled calls for the greater use of regional arrangements as agents of the Council, to relieve its burden. However, the various agendas and capabilities of different arrangements make it difficult to adopt a uniform template of the role which regional arrangements can play as conductors of peace support operations authorised by the Security Council. This article attempts to provide a framework against which the potential role of different arrangements as viable agents to which the Security Council can entrust military enforcement operations, before going on to assess how selected African and European organisations fare against this framework. It will be demonstrated that when assessed against this framework, the organisations selected for comparison are remarkably similar.

论民办高校的法人性质

我国现行法律既未明确概括民办高校的公法地位,对其私法地位的界定也与学说和制度不洽,致使民办高校的法人性质不明,对民办高校的发展多有不利。本法理论,民办高校应当既是一种民事法律主体,享有法人的经营权;同时也行使一定的教育行政管理职权,具有公法地位。倘若将民办高校的公法地位概括为依法律授权实施教学行政管理的教育机构,将其私法地位界定为社团法人、准公益法人,并特别地将其界定为民办学校法人,则上述问题将能得到相应的解决。     

“脱钩论”背景下的中美金融断裂——以《外国公司问责法案》为切入

《外国公司问责法案》经美国总统特朗普于2020年12月18日签署而正式生效。该法案直指在美上市的中资企业,将两国证券监管合作的矛盾和分歧上升到金融脱钩,使得在美上市的中资企业面临下市和被迫退出美国资本市场的风险。《外国公司问责法案》是近年来中美两国贸易摩擦向金融领域的延伸,也是美方提出的“脱钩论”在贸易和投资领域之外的纵向发展。中美贸易冲突不仅没有随着《中美经贸协定》(第一阶段)的签署而得到缓和,反而在新冠疫情之后继续加剧,并且向金融、科技和教育等领域蔓延,中美两国“脱钩论”甚嚣尘上。美国加紧在金融领域通过法律战的方式推进中美“脱钩”,对中资企业在美上市融资构成现实威胁。中国应该通过法律的方式,在技术层面应对中美监管合作,化解和弱化双方的监管合作矛盾。     

日本战略走向与中日关系前景

进入新世纪,伴随日本政治的右倾化,日本对外战略也发生着深刻的变化。2005年以来小泉内阁加紧推行“右倾化大国路线”,造成日本同中国等亚洲邻国关系更趋恶化。中日关系的改善还需两国付出长期不懈的共同努力。     

私权理念与城市私房拆迁的立法

城市房屋拆迁是社会经济发展过程中的一个必然现象,立法应当对这一社会现象有一个回应。树立私权理念是正确解决城市建设与房屋所有权保护之间利益冲突的重要基础。在城市私房拆迁中应当界定社会公共利益且将其作为私房拆迁的直接目的。债权相对性的基本规则在城市私房拆迁中应予遵守。行政管理活动应当为衡平拆迁人与被拆迁人利益及其与社会利益之间的关系提供服务。房屋所有权人对建设项目立项知情权和非社会公益拆迁的异议权是有利于城市建设活动规范进行的制度保障之一。     

政商关系:历史与现实

社会现实告诉我们,公共权力与私有资本都必须受到制约。在人类历史上,政商关系先后经历了前资本主义社会权力神化、资本主义社会权力道德化和社会主义社会权力客观化三个阶段。其中,资本主义社会私有资本第一次真正实现了有效地制约公共权力,将其关进了私有资本的笼子里。而我国现在正处于社会主义初级阶段,应当依靠发展社会主义民主政治来制约公共权力,在此基础上,要用公共权力将私有资本关进科学制度的笼子里。