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801.
公安机关刑事法律文书在侦查办案中具有极其重要的作用 ,其对案件事实的叙述是写作的一项重要内容。要正确地叙述案件事实 ,首先要明确叙述方法应遵守的原则和叙述笔法的特点 ;其次 ,要掌握多种叙述方法 ,即顺叙法 ,突出主罪法 ,突出主犯法 ;再次 ,在叙述案件时 ,要注意写清关键情节 ,写清因果关系 ,写清主要证据。 相似文献
802.
AbstractTransit-oriented development (TOD) has been promoted by planners and policy advocates as a solution to a variety of urban problems, including automobile traffic congestion, air pollution, and urban poverty. Since the enhanced accessibility offered by transit proximity is often capitalized into land and housing prices, many express concern that new transit investments will result in the displacement of the low-income populations likely to benefit most from transit access, a phenomenon which we term transit-induced gentrification. Whereas policy advocates have proposed a variety of interventions designed to ensure that affordable housing for low-income households is produced and preserved in areas proximate to transit stations, little is known about the effectiveness of these policy proposals. This article relies on an integrated land use/transportation model to analyze how TOD-based affordable housing policies influence the intraurban location of low-income households. We find that affordability restrictions targeted to new dwellings constructed in TODs are effective tools for promoting housing affordability and improving low-income households’ access to transit while simultaneously reducing the extent of transit-induced gentrification. 相似文献
803.
Tammy Leonard 《Housing Policy Debate》2016,26(6):888-908
Neighborhood condition is a public good in part provided by neighborhood residents’ private property maintenance. Considering neighborhood condition as an impure public good provides a theoretical basis for understanding how the level of neighborhood quality may affect residents’ home maintenance decisions. Empirical results in a low-income neighborhood, where formulating public policy to improve neighborhoods is of significant concern, indicate a positive substitution effect. When neighborhoods improve, residents respond by increasing exterior home upkeep. This result is robust to both changes in the neighborhood condition generated by other neighbors’ increase in maintenance and exogenous public investment in the neighborhood. 相似文献
804.
Antoon De Baets 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》2016,30(1-2):57-66
This essay explores the consequences for historians of the ‘right to be forgotten', a new concept proposed by the European Commission in 2012. I first explain that the right to be forgotten is a radical variant of the right to privacy and clarify the consequences of the concept for the historical study of public and private figures. I then treat the hard cases of spent and amnestied convictions and of internet archives. I further discuss the applicability of the right to be forgotten to dead persons as part of the problem of posthumous privacy, and finally point to the ambiguity of the impact of the passage of time. While I propose some compromise solutions, I also conclude that a generalized right to be forgotten would lead to the rewriting of history in ways that impoverish our insights not only into anecdotal lives but also into the larger trends of history. 相似文献
805.
Leon McRae 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2016,27(4):476-488
Empirical research has demonstrated a link between legal coercion and treatment engagement following conviction among those with severe personality disorder. Legal coercive pressures were often applied by the Indeterminate Sentence for Public Protection (IPP), until it was replaced by the Extended Determinate Sentence by the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012. In this paper, it is proposed that use of the new determinate sentence will lessen motivation for treatment engagement. One effect of treatment refusal may be greater reliance by the Secretary of State for Justice on his jurisdiction to transfer prisoners due for release to secure hospital transfers under the Mental Health Act 1983. Not only will this risk posturing undermine the principal aim of the Offender Personality Disorder Implementation Pathway to improve treatment engagement among the target group, it will also have negative implications for medical practitioners working in secure forensic hospitals. To demonstrate what is at stake, the paper briefly recapitulates empirical findings familiar to readers of the journal, before drawing on original unpublished data. 相似文献
806.
807.
【问题】当前舆情危机事件频发,网络舆情既可以提升政府形象也可以对政府形象造成负面影响,关键在于政府如何应对舆情。舆情事件中政府采取什么样的回应策略才能有效维护和修复政府形象?【方法】本研究从情绪认知视角出发,以公众情绪为中介和以回应策略为调节变量构建了有调节的中介模型,并通过2(事件责任:大、小)×3(回应策略:否认、借口、道歉修正)的组间实验设计进行证实。【发现】研究发现,当公众认为责任大的条件下,采用道歉修正策略(与否认策略、借口策略相比)更能缓解公众情绪,进而修复政府形象;当公众认为责任小时,采用道歉修正策略和否认策略(与借口策略相比)更能疏导公众情绪,进而修复政府形象。【贡献】研究突破了传统SCCT理论基于认知视角探讨形象修复的框架,从情感视角提出即使不改变大众对舆情事件起因的归因认知,通过有效回应来疏导公众情绪,也能达到修复政府形象的目的。 相似文献
808.
Co‐authorship is an important indicator of scientific collaboration. Co‐authorship networks are composed of sub‐communities, and researchers can gain visibility by connecting these insulated subgroups. This article presents a comprehensive co‐authorship network analysis of Swiss political science. Three levels are addressed: disciplinary cohesion and structure at large, communities, and the integrative capacity of individual researchers. The results suggest that collaboration exists across geographical and language borders even though different regions focus on complementary publication strategies. The subfield of public policy and administration has the highest integrative capacity. Co‐authorship is a function of several factors, most importantly being in the same subfield. At the individual level, the analysis identifies researchers who belong to the “inner circle” of Swiss political science and who link different communities. In contrast to previous research, the analysis is based on the full set of publications of all political researchers employed in Switzerland in 2013, including past publications. 相似文献
809.
E. Smith 《Journal of Australian Studies》2016,40(1):92-108
This article examines the reaction by the Australian Federal Government to the protest movements of the 1960s–1970s and their attempts to use public order legislation to thwart radical discontent in Australia. It argues that the Public Order (Protection of Persons and Property) Act 1971 was aimed at the threat of “violent” protests, particularly the tactic of the “sit-in”, and that to this end, the legislation was an overreaction to the actual threat posed by the protest movements at the time. It also shows that after a long gestation period, the Act was ill-equipped to deal with the changing nature of demonstrations in the 1970s, such as the problems caused by the erection of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy. Thus, after an initial flurry of use in mid-1971, the law has been seldom used since. 相似文献
810.
Ali Çarkoğlu 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2016,16(2):255-274
Past enlargements of the European Union (EU) have demonstrated that public attitudes on European integration can influence the course of accession processes. Beyond the literature on public EU support in member states and former candidates, the dynamics that shape public attitudes on EU membership within recent candidate countries have not been systematically examined. Analysing nine Eurobarometer (EB) surveys from 2004 to 2011, we argue that evaluations of EU membership in Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey are shaped by utilitarian considerations, belief in various political institutions as well as the fear of losing national identity. The economic crisis of 2008 has changed public opinion towards EU membership in all three countries, but Turkey appears to have been affected the most compared to Croatia and Macedonia. 相似文献