The debate on a regional arms register in Southeast Asia

Abstract

ASEAN member states are no longer opposed in principle to military information sharing and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) is now actively considering ideas for new confidence‐building measures in this area. The first specific transparency measure supported by ARF was the UN Register of Conventional Arms, whose success in the region has been a result, at least in part, of its flexibility. Because of the limited scope of the UN Register, debate has continued on the possibility of a regional Register. As this debate has proceeded, however, it has become apparent that the creation of such a Register will require a number of complex and difficult issues to be resolved. What additional data should such a Register include? Who should be responsible for operating such a Register? Which countries should be included? Because of these difficulties, the prospects of a regional Register being established in the near future are rather slender. But, as they become more comfortable with the concept of transparency, there is still considerable scope for ARF members to do more to adopt regional ‘best practice’ in their replies to the main UN Register. The Register formula of framework plus flexibility could also be used as a model for the development of parallel transparency arrangements in areas other than arms transfers. The experience of the Register debate suggest that the development of concrete confidence‐building measures in the ARF region is likely to be a gradual process. Progress is possible, but is unlikely to transform levels of national openness on military affairs overnight. The main obstacles to increased transparency may prove to be domestic and political rather than international and military: demonstrating once again the way in which the confidence‐building agenda is linked to broader debates about the necessary political foundations of a secure regional order.     

Korea's technological development

Abstract

Indigenous peoples’ rights, including the right to self-determination, are increasingly codified in international law and policy and disseminated globally by international organizations. These norms mark a profound change in the ideals of citizenship promoted by the international community, away from linguistically and institutionally homogenous citizenship in centralized states to group-differentiated citizenship in decentralized, multi-level and multi-lingual states that use local and regional autonomy for the accommodation of indigenous peoples. Essential to realizing these norms is the devolution of some degree of autonomy to sub-central state units substantially controlled by indigenous communities. Because the transfer of powers to indigenous peoples is crucial to their accommodation, protection and participation in modern states, and because decentralization programs are an important component of reform agendas in most developing countries, it is important to understand how these emerging norms are integrated into real-world decentralization processes.

This article analyzes the application of the World Bank's safeguards policy for indigenous peoples within the institution's support to decentralization reform in Cambodia. The analysis demonstrates that under certain circumstances, the policy not only fails to translate into effective protection but leads to outcomes diametrically opposed to its objectives. In its current design, Bank support to decentralization contributes to the marginalization of indigenous peoples in Cambodia and undermines the institutional, cultural and natural resources upon which their empowerment and participation depends. In environments in which full compliance might be unrealistic to accomplish by individual projects, safeguard obligations lead to a strategy on the part of Bank projects of avoiding geographical and policy areas that are likely to trigger the safeguards policy, in order to reduce projects’ vulnerability to non-compliance claims. The article discusses how more effective application of the safeguards policy might be achieved and how strategies for the empowerment of indigenous peoples can more effectively draw on decentralization frameworks.     

Emerging trends in Asia‐Pacific security: The role of Japan

A multi‐faceted approach, including the efforts (a) to maintain existing security arrangements, (b) to enhance security at the sub‐regional level in Northeast and Southeast Asia, (c) to enhance mutual reassurance among the countries in the region and (d) to deepen region‐wide economic cooperation, is vital for Asia‐Pacific security. Trends in these directions are emerging in the post‐cold war conditions. Japan‐US cooperation will continue to be the key element for the success of this approach. Changes in Japan will have positive implications for it.     

ASEAN and the Asian crisis: theoretical implications and practical consequences for Southeast Asian regionalism

The following article joins the debate about the theoretical and empirical implications of the Asian crisis on Southeast Asian regionalism. It argues that the realist-institutionalist dichotomy does not provide a fruitful framework of analysis. ASEAN policies are characterized by a policy mix, albeit one that is influenced by a strong dose of realism - a tendency that has been exacerbated by the Asian crisis. The crisis has thrown ASEAN's collective identity into deep disarray - and thus also questions constructivist approaches. Departing from these theoretical issues the article traces ASEAN responses to the crisis in three key areas: economic cooperation, enlargement and values. The article concludes with a few lessons for regionalism which may be derived from the Asian crisis.     

韩国的东南亚外交：目标、手段及其启示

早期韩国外交囿于东北亚区域,但近年来,韩国日益以中等强国的进取姿态,试图超越东北亚外交的局限,向亚洲乃至全球层面扩展影响力。其中,东南亚已上升为韩国外交的战略区域。以经济利益为重心,韩国积极参与地区多边机制,拓展安全合作,提供发展援助,推动环境和文化外交,全面追求其在东南亚的政策目标。韩国外交的这一态势,会对中国在该地区的利益产生一定影响。     

Regional parliamentary empowerment in EU affairs. Building an analytical framework

ABSTRACT

This article analyses the effects of the Lisbon Treaty provisions for regional parliaments in EU decentralised systems by looking at the early warning system (EWS) for subsidiarity control. It argues that the implications of this mechanism for parliamentary empowerment at the regional level should be assessed carefully and their links with political mobilisation, institutional restructuring and policy involvement in a particular context should be analysed as precisely as possible. For this reason, this article proposes a conceptual and analytical framework that allows the detection of several kinds of regional empowerment under the EWS and explains their transformative effects in different national contexts.     

非传统安全警务探析

非传统安全警务是指应对非传统安全威胁、新威胁的,以人与社会的安全为保障核心的警察工作方式、方法.非传统安全警务与传统警务最根本的区别在于所针对的社会安全威胁不同,同时两者在安全理念、价值重心、警力配置、警务形式、公众认同等方面均有不同.非传统安全警务面临的是比过去警务更为广泛的问题,并把威胁公共安全的跨国犯罪视为工作重点.非传统安全警务要求警务工作积极参与国际安全警务合作,以国安、公安机关为主导力量,协调各个政府部门,采取多种应对策略保证非传统安全警务的实施.     

东北亚区域经济一体化发展趋势与实现途径

区域经济一体化已成为世界经济发展的潮流,而东北亚地区(中国、日本和韩国)作为世界第三大区域集团,其一体化进程却非常缓慢。目前,在东北亚地区有两个潜在优先发展的FTA,即一个双边的日本—韩国FTA和一个三边的日本—韩国—中国FTA。根据国际形势和东北亚主要国家的政策变化,可以预测东北亚区域经济一体化将要进入提速阶段。东北亚区域经济一体化从纵向深化和横向拓展的二维发展过程上,都应该选择与欧盟和北美自由贸易协定不同的实现途径。     

"区域性板块"结构中的活动仪式链接与符号系统--从贵州岜沙苗族芦笙节的文化象征意义谈起

芦笙文化是苗族传统文化的一个重要组成部分,在苗族的社会生活中具有文化认同、增强不同父系家族间社区组织的凝聚力、传承乡土知识等社会功能.但由于苗族分布面广、方言土语尚存在着一定的差异性,因而在不同地域里以芦笙文化为主题的节日活动仪式中呈现出"区域性板块"结构的特征.本文通过对贵州省从江县岜沙社区苗族芦笙节活动仪式的符号系统及其文化象征意义的研究和分析,从人类文化的视野中初步地揭示了苗族芦笙文化的丰富性和独特性.     

中国振兴东北战略与俄中合作

中国政府适时提出了振兴东北老工业基地战略决策 ,而俄罗斯在普京总统连任后 ,加大了对东部地区的开发力度 ,支持西伯利亚和远东地区发展与亚太的经贸关系 ,特别是对华合作。俄中两国应该抓住这个难得的历史机遇 ,充分利用这两个地区的地缘优势和经济上具有互补性的有利条件 ,大力推动地区的合作。虽然俄西伯利亚和远东地区在经济改革过程中已经与中国东北地区建立起了紧密的生产、经贸、科技和学术等联系 ,双方的合作已具备相当的基础 ,但仍然存在一些滞后领域。今后双方应该注重开拓高新技术合作方面的潜力。