The Capture Theory of Regulations—Revisited

Amidst the rekindled interest in regulating the market that has emerged since the 2008 financial crisis, most attention has been paid to the debate between those who call for more regulation of the private sector in order to protect the public good, and those who claim that such regulations would do further damage to the economy by unduly constraining business. This essay seeks to refocus the debate about regulation by examining an alternative criticism––the theory of regulatory capture––which argues that regulations are routinely and predictably 'captured' and manipulated to serve the interests of those who are supposed to be subject to them, or the bureaucrats and legislators who write or control them. Ample evidence suggests that regulatory capture is indeed widespread and takes a variety of forms, which are reviewed here. Rather than debating whether more or less regulations are needed, the paper suggests that what is needed is a way to make regulations stronger––more capture-proof. It closes with a major policy change that would help accomplish this goal.

“The Empire Strikes Back”: The US Assault on the International Human Rights Regime

We argue that the post-9/11 environment has amounted to a substantive change in the longstanding United States relationship with the international human rights regime. We identify three distinct phases of that relationship, noting that in the most recent phase, since 9/11, the US has moved from passive support of the international human rights regime to a direct attack of that regime. Realist and liberal regime theories suggest that the human rights regime is relatively weak, and is unlikely to withstand such an attack. We find that the regime has not only continued to persist, but has flourished even as US support has faltered. The human rights regime is surprisingly strong. We argue it is the ideological nature of the regime that explains its resilience, which suggests that constructivist theory is necessary to fully understand the human rights regime.

人参皂苷Rg1抑制小鼠实验性自身免疫性脑脊髓炎的作用及免疫机制

目的观察人参皂苷Rg1对实验性自身免疫性脑脊髓炎(experimental autoimmune encephalomyelitis,EAE)的抑制作用及其对脾淋巴细胞T细胞亚群和外周血细胞因子水平的影响。方法采用C57BL/6小鼠皮下多点注射MOG35-55、百日咳毒素的方法复制EAE模型。将EAE小鼠随机分为模型组,人参皂苷Rg1低、中、高剂量组,同时设置正常对照组,每组6只。首次免疫后第10天予以不同剂量Rg1腹腔注射,连续给药14 d。第35天处死小鼠后取脊髓,观察各组小鼠脊髓炎症细胞浸润和脱髓鞘等病理变化,采用流式细胞仪检测小鼠脾淋巴细胞Th1、Th17、Treg细胞亚群,采用ELISA法检测外周血白细胞介素(interleukin,IL)-17A、干扰素γ(interferon gamma,IFN-γ)、IL-6、IL-10水平。结果与模型组比较,人参皂苷Rg1低、中、高剂量组小鼠神经症状评分显著下降(P<0.05),脊髓炎症细胞浸润评分和脱髓鞘评分显著降低(P<0.05),脾淋巴细胞CD4+、CD8+、Th1、Th17 T细胞亚群比例显著降低(P<0.05),Treg(CD4+CD25+FoxP3+)比例显著升高(P<0.05),外周血IFN-γ、IL-17A、IL-16水平显著降低(P<0.05),IL-10水平显著升高(P<0.05),人参皂苷Rg1的作用呈现明显的剂量依赖性。结论人参皂苷Rg1可显著改善EAE小鼠的临床症状,减轻中枢神经系统脱髓鞘和炎症细胞浸润,其作用可能与调控Th17、Th1、Treg细胞亚群失衡,抑制炎症细胞因子表达相关。     

The political economy of labor market regulation by the European Union

Since the introduction of qualified majority voting, at least 58 labor regulations have been imposed by the European Community/Union. Three types of explanations are considered: i) the asymmetry of the EC budgetary process, ii) regulatory collusion and iii) the strategy of raising rivals’ costs. Collusion and the strategy of raising rivals’ costs are compared in a two-country game-theoretic model with international capital mobility. The empirical analysis shows that the transition to qualified majority voting was not preceded by a striking tendency of competitive national deregulation. In all cases in which a directive was contested, the UK was among the contestants. Various indices show that the UK has the least regulated labor market. More generally, the anti-regulation coalition also includes Ireland, the Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands. There are examples showing that if the coalition is too small to block the regulation, its members prefer not to record their dissent officially. In most investigated cases, the European labor regulation is more restrictive than most but not all prior national regulations. The empirical analysis demonstrates that the strategy of raising rivals’ costs plays an important role in EU labor regulation.

国际机制理论与东北亚能源外交

在东北亚地区,由于中国、日本、韩国等能源消费大国能源消费的日益增长、俄罗斯作为能源大国的异军突起以及东北亚内部因能源而起的各种争端,能源外交成为东北亚外交中的重点和热点。开展东北亚能源外交的目的是通过政策协调构建一个多边能源合作机制,在东北亚地区不存在霸权国家提供合作机制的背景下,可以考虑运用国际机制理论,通过能源外交特别是多边能源外交构建本地区多边能源合作机制,并充分发挥能源外交的"外溢"功能,借机推进东北亚整体合作的发展。     

印度对国际核不扩散机制的政策现状及前景

1998年5月11日和13日,印度相继进行了5次核试验并公开宣布成为核武器国家。印度核试验对国际核不扩散机制构成了严重冲击,也遭到国际社会的一致谴责。至今,印度仍被国际核不扩散机制排除在外,尽管已是事实上的核武器国家,但并未获得法理上的承认,从而对印度谋求“有声有色的大国”地位形成掣肘。为此,印度积极调整对国际核不扩散机制的政策,缓和与该机制的关系,并且寻求融入机制,以期助力其大国地位追求。但在此过程中,印度的战略自主传统与国际机制的规则之间出现了结构性的矛盾,使其政策目标充满了极大的不确定性。     

法院如何审查土地开发者负担政策——基于美国法的判例梳理

伴随着都市化进程的加速,为了满足日益加重的公共建设任务,美国法中的开发者负担制度,作为将公共建设任务转移至私人开发主体的规制政策模式于20世纪中后期在地方各州层面开始大量出现。各州法院针对开发者负担制度形成了三种不同的形式化审查标准,亦即"合理关系"标准、"特定且唯一原因"标准以及"理性关联"标准,这些司法审查标准之间存在显著差异,形成了司法审查的地方主义特色。联邦最高法院提出的"根本关联"与"大致合比例"的司法审查标准,非但没有就此统一地方层面殊异的审查标准,反而使得开发者负担制度的合法性审查更加复杂化。20世纪90年代各州大规模的影响费立法,吸收了各州法院司法审查的特殊标准,体现了司法过程对规制政策的影响;同时,影响费立法中咨询委员会等程序装置,也鲜明反映了现代规制国家的制度特征。     

Regulatory Capture of Regulators: The Case of the Investment Dealers Association of Canada

This study employed Stilger’s (1971) capture theory to investigate whether the Investment Dealers Association (IDA) of Canada experienced regulatory capture by weak enforcement. The study used data of the IDA’s enforcement practices to test the hypothesis that proportionately smaller fines are imposed for more serious offenders, ceteris paribus. Among the factors that influenced fines, one can find investigation costs and quasi-criminal offences as the main predictors making significant contributions. The result presented in the study can be use by legislators to further engage in dialogues on the importance of a federal securities regulatory agency in Canada.     

全球化与行政管理制度变迁

政府转型是国际政治和国内政治互动过程中的重要问题,而政府在面对国际制度挑战中处于核心角色,形成和国际制度相适应的协调制度是政府转型的主要特征.通过大量的实证材料和个案分析,在对国际制度、公共政策协调和发展型政府理论进行理论综述的基础上,阐述了国际制度下的政府转型现象.这种现象指的是在发展型政府国家,国际制度为国内政策制定引入了全球化因素,并促使国家内部建立与国际制度联系的对口协调部门或制度.这些都有利于国际制度进一步塑造国内决策环境.伴随着国际制度的发展,发展中国家决策过程日益专业化和多元化,政府转型成为全球化时代中的一个显著特点.主要采用文献分析和实证研究相结合的方法,在实证研究中采用文本分析和深度访谈的方法.发现,国际制度会通过议事日程和规则的变化、新的配套协调决策机构的建立等来影响部门利益的表达、部门与跨部门的知识(信息)的建构、以及各部门对最后决策形成的意见、建议、交换,并导致新的国内制度的产生.     

俄罗斯“政权党”能否成为执政党——基于制度环境和政情发展的分析

俄罗斯的第一个“政权党”是不完全的“政权党”。随着政情的变化和制度环境的改善,俄罗斯新的“政权党”———“统一俄罗斯”党发展成为国内决定性政治力量。“统一俄罗斯”党由“政权党”上升为执政党,必然涉及宪政制度的变更,但归根结底取决于俄罗斯的政情。从目前情况看,构建以政党为中心的新的政治体制,从而使“政权党”成为执政党的条件并没有成熟。但到了后普京时代,俄罗斯政治舞台上出现执政党的可能性是存在的。