伊斯兰教在近现代伊斯兰世界革命中作用问题的社会学分析——对詹姆斯·S·科尔曼《社会理论的基础》所述的宗教在革命中的作用分析的运用

近现代的伊斯兰世界爆发了许多革命，而宗教在这其中发挥了重要作用。从詹姆斯·S·科尔曼《社会理论的基础》中关于宗教这种意识形态在革命中的作用问题的观点来看，伊斯兰教在革命中的作用可以总结为以下三点：消灭坐享其成问题并能由此动员群众参加革命；取消并能建立权威；能使革命力量形成封闭性的社会结构。     

论佛教在西方200年的形象变化

在过去的200年间,佛教在西方的形象,前后发生了显著的变化:佛教徒已从最初的异教徒,转而成为犹太-基督教传统的对话者;西方学者原先常把印度佛教、巴利佛教看成"纯粹佛教",而把汉藏佛教当作印度佛教的附庸,甚至是堕落的表现形式,现在,这种"退化史观"得到了彻底的清算;佛教在19世纪被普遍当作一种"虚无主义",但到20世纪下半叶,竟成了疗治西方社会现代性危机的思想资源。所有这些变化,正在催生欧美国家的"新佛教":注重禅修、强调参与、倡导宗教对话。     

宗教文化与社会稳定

宗教文化对社会稳定具有其独特的功能与作用。宗教文化在社会稳定中的功能主要表现为世界观功能、补偿功能、调节功能与整合功能四种。宗教文化通过宗教信仰与宗教道德的感召力与威慑作用促进社会秩序的稳定,同时宗教文化又因其自身的禁欲主义、排他性、单向度权利义务特征、以及欺骗性而成为动摇社会稳定的一大渊薮。     

“西藏问题”国际化及“文化藏独”危害性探析

＂西藏问题＂国际化既与国际格局变化有关,又与全球化放大宗教对国际关系影响有关。西方国家吹捧达赖和达赖借助西方表达＂政治诉求＂二者相互倚重,各取所需,各有所图。达赖能够博取西方社会一定的同情和支持,与其运用＂高超＂宣传技巧分不开。达赖明知＂急独＂不成、＂和谈＂无望,故采取了类似＂台独＂的策略——渐进式＂文化藏独＂,其现实危害不容小觑。     

Party brand hate in political market: antecedents and consequences

ABSTRACT

Brand hate is defined as a severe dislike for a product or service by the consumer. Although brand hate has been recognized as a critical element, in the political market, there is a lack of understanding of the impact of brand hate on voters. This study is an attempt to examine the antecedents and consequences of brand hate in the political market. The study reveals that unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility of electorates have a significant positive impact on brand hate intensity. The result shows that political product involvement significantly mediates the relationship between unmet expectations, symbolic incongruity, and ideological incompatibility and brand hate intensity. The study further reveals that as an outcome of political brand hate, electorates put emphasis on either brand avoidance and/or brand extremism. The outcome of this study may help political parties gain knowledge about the impact of political brand hate.     

《大唐西域记》的文学归属

除史地、宗教、民俗、中外交通等领域外,《大唐西域记》在文学领域的价值也很珍贵。研究《大唐西域记》的文学价值,首先应确定其文学归属。目前,对《大唐西域记》的基本认识主要有游记、行记、传记、报告文学、新闻文学、回忆录等。以上归类认识,各有其归类理由和一定程度的合理性,但均有缺憾:或者因视角单一而无法兼顾《大唐西域记》的其他特质,或者归类间互有重叠而身份难辨,或者会因传统认知对《大唐西域记》的文学价值造成遮蔽。打开视野和思路,跳出文体认识的局限,从《大唐西域记》深湛的宗教性内涵和多样的文学表现这两方面的有机结合出发,将其归入宗教文学(佛教文学)这一大的范畴,是一个较为合适的选择。这样处理,在突显《大唐西域记》自身价值的同时,可为数量众多的同类作品找到一个共同的归属,也为中国文学、东方文学和比较文学拓展出新的研究空间,为促进中外文学和文化交流提供一个典型的范例。同时,《大唐西域记》人文意蕴较为丰富,如伦理观念、生态意识、警示意义、求真精神、理想主义、开放心胸等,将它归入宗教文学,并非是要回归传统的宗教性解读,而应着重发掘、整理和研究其宗教性内涵中有益于当下、有益人的资源,实现其现代意义和价值。     

美国《1998年国际宗教自由法》及对中美关系的影响评析

<1998年国际宗教自由法>(以下简称IRFA)是由美国保守派推动制订的一部具有域外效力的美国国内法.由于该法所包含的双重标准以及该法在推行过程中必然会产生的诸多问题,该法实施以来"产生"的域外效力十分有限,未对中美关系造成直接影响.但在美国社会不断保守化的背景下,IRFA对中美关系的间接和负面影响不容小视.针对美国国务院每年发布的<国际宗教自由年度报告>中对中国宗教自由状况的歪曲,中国政府予以外交上的坚决谴责是必须的,但从根本上说,在宗教领域奉行接触政策,勿视美国为敌,怀柔美国应是当前我国韬光养晦外交的较佳选择.     

The continued salience of religious voting in the United States, Germany, and Great Britain

Conventional wisdom on party systems in advanced industrial democracies holds that modern electorates are dealigned and that social cleavages no longer structure party politics. Recent work on class cleavages has challenged this stylized fact. The analysis performed here extends this criticism to the religious-secular cleavage. Using path analysis and comparing the current electorates of the United States, Germany, and Great Britain with the early 1960s, this paper demonstrates that the religious-secular cleavage remains or has become a significant predictor of conservative vote choice. While the effects of the religious-secular cleavage on vote choice have become largely indirect, the total of the direct and indirect effects is substantial and equivalent to the effects of class and status.     

IRAN’S STRUGGLE FOR STRATEGIC DOMINANCE IN A POST-ISIS IRAQ

Iran's influence and presence in Iraq have increased significantly in recent years. The collapse of the Saddam's dictatorship in 2003, after the US invasion, served to inflate Iran's influence in Iraq, particularly in the post-ISIS era. In this connection, Iran has used various means and tools to develop its strategy in Iraq. This article argues that Iran's current strategy in Iraq stems from a Realpolitik agenda rather than an ideological one, concerned more with political, economic, and security interests than pursuing revolutionary objectives per se. To this end, Tehran has largely relied on long-established relationships with several pro-Iranian political parties and militia groups. These relationships are often couched in religious ideological terms as a foundation and justification for its future strategy in post-ISIS Iraq. The questions that this paper will address are the following: what was Iran's role in defeating ISIS in Iraq? How has Tehran benefitted from its long-term relationships with Iraqi political parties and militia groups? What are the Iranian sources of power in Iraq and how do they help Iran gain strategic dominance in Iraq?     

Testing the Reciprocal Effects of Campaign Participation

Questions persist regarding the robustness of cross-sectional estimates of effects of variables that are themselves endogenous to the participation process. On one hand, the consequences of working on a campaign have interesting implications for democratic society. Less benign, however, is the possibility that failure to control for reciprocal processes leads to biased estimates of the causes of campaign participation. I use a panel of Democratic and Republican contributors interviewed following each of the past three presidential elections (1996, 2000, and 2004) to explore the relationships between campaign participation and three variables typically parameterized as predictors of participation: receiving a contact, ideological extremism, and strength of party identification. The effect of strength of party identification on campaign participation proves robust; however, I find that nearly all of the associations between contacts and participation and ideological extremism and participation appear to extend from, not into, participation and past participation.