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961.
俄罗斯石油、天然气工业与中俄能源合作 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
俄罗斯石油储量占世界总储量的13%,天然气占34%,石油和天然气已成为俄罗斯重要出口换汇产品。苏联解体后,由于投资下降、设备老化、运输成本及国内税率大大高于国际市场等特点,石油、天然气工业面临着严重的困难。引入外资,加强中俄能源合作是俄能源工业发展的重要途径,这也将有助于俄罗斯经济的发展,加快俄罗斯振兴的步伐。随着中国经济的发展,我国石油年均进口递增34%,中俄能源合作将为中国未来的能源安全供给提供可靠保证。 相似文献
962.
俄罗斯的资本外逃问题引起了国际经济界和金融界的广泛关注。俄资本外逃的额度、方式、原因以及俄政府为防止资本外逃采取的措施,都是值得思考和研究的问题。俄资本外逃总额大大超出了20世纪90年代俄罗斯经济中的外国投资总额和外国对俄经济的援助额。只有俄罗斯政治经济形势趋向稳定,俄政府坚持改革、清除腐败、强化银行体系,才能逐步减少资本外逃规模,最终使外逃资本回归。 相似文献
963.
David O. Whitten 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2002,13(3):193-201
Russia after communism is a hotbed of crime. Russian Robber Barons addresses villainy in market construction and draws on U.S. experience for comparisons. Crime will not be eradicated in Russia, nor has it been eliminated elsewhere, but a carefully crafted legal system can reduce damage wrought by unproductive criminal activity and guide entrepreneurs into legal operations beneficial to themselves and society. Robber baron activities match Joseph Schumpeter's creative destruction, but Mafia-style crime is merely destructive. Economic success demands that Russia join Western market societies in the search for laws to throttle destructive crime and encourage entrepreneurship. 相似文献
964.
杨昌宇 《黑龙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2006,1(4):124-127
宪政不单纯是以宪法为核心的一套制度体系,同时也是已有制度的实践运行,在更深层次上是一种宪政文化.当代俄罗斯宪政从制度到精神实质都发生了明显的转向,这与现代法治以个体自由为核心的价值追求相契合.对转型期的俄罗斯而言,宪法是构建法治国家的前提基础,宪法司法制度的确立对法治国家的生成提供保障,扬弃民族传统的宪政文化的培育是法治国家确立的精神根基. 相似文献
965.
Andrei Soldatov 《Russian Politics and Law》2015,53(5-6):63-83
The Russian system of state internet censorship has been steadily expanding in recent years. The Russian government has succeeded in placing under its control both domestic and foreign internet companies operating in Russia and in establishing a system that can be used to conduct mass surveillance of internet users. However, the state censorship regime remains incomplete, as it is focused on countering small numbers of dissidents and is not designed to prevent the spread of information among thousands of users. 相似文献
966.
Nadia Alexandrova-Arbatova 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2015,15(2):129-139
The Ukrainian conflict – as all post-Soviet conflicts – has three interrelated dimensions – global, regional and local – with deep implications for international security including the Black Sea region. The strategic interdependence between Russiaand West during the last decade became not only anaemic but antagonistic. The regional implications of that can be compared to the boomerang effect: problems at the strategic level affect the regional level and return to the originators. Generally speaking, Commonwealth of Independent States conflicts can be viewed as the product of the Soviet legacy and the patchy collapse of the USSR as well as the ill-conceived policies and mistakes of the involved parties, Russia and external actors – USA, NATO and EU. 相似文献
967.
Nelli Babayan 《Democratization》2015,22(3):438-458
Russia's recent actions in its neighbourhood have not only upset Western policies but have also reinvigorated arguments that Russia may be promoting autocracy to counteract democracy promotion by the European Union and the United States. They have also underlined a broader problem: that of how illiberal powers may react to democracy promotion, especially when their strategic interests are at stake. This article investigates these issues by studying Russia's interactions with the countries in its neighbourhood and democracy promoters. First, the article argues that even if Russia has contributed to the stagnation of democratization and ineffectiveness of democracy promotion in its neighbourhood, its actions do not constitute autocracy promotion and largely lack ideological underpinnings. Second, Russia's counteraction to democracy promotion stems from its ambitions of restoring its great power status, maintaining its regional influence, and perceiving Western policies as a threat to its interests. Third, when it considers its strategic interests undermined, Russia employs economic and military threats (sometimes incentives) against its neighbourhood countries to make the compliance with Western policies less preferable. 相似文献
968.
Vladimir Gel’man 《后苏联事务》2016,32(5):455-473
Since the collapse of Communism, Russia and some other post-Soviet states have attempted to pursue socioeconomic reforms while relying upon the political institutions of neopatrimonialism. This politico-economic order was established to serve the interests of ruling groups and establish the major features of states, political regimes, and market economies. It provided numerous negative incentives for governing the economy and the state due to the unconstrained rent-seeking behavior of major actors. Policy reform programs revealed these institutions to be incompatible with the priorities of modernization, and efforts to resolve these contradictions through a number of partial and compromise solutions often worsened the situation vis-à-vis preservation of the status quo. The ruling groups lack incentives for institutional changes, which could undermine their political and economic dominance, and are caught in a vicious circle: reforms often result in minor returns or cause unintended and undesired consequences. What are the possible domestic and international incentives to reject the political institutions of neopatrimonialism in post-Soviet states and replace them with inclusive economic and political ones? 相似文献
969.
Vladimir Mau 《后苏联事务》2016,32(4):350-377
This paper examines the root causes and features of crises of the Russian economy in 2014–2015 as a combination of structural and institutional problems, as well as cyclical and external shocks. The demand-side model of economic growth based on massive windfall revenue from oil and gas exports from the 2000s is now exhausted, and the country needs to shift to a new, supply-side model of growth. Mobilization and liberalization are discussed as two key economic policy alternatives. The analysis includes historical retrospection, which provides some important lessons from economic developments in the twentieth century: the Great Depression and the period of stagflation, the Soviet industrialization debate and perestroika, and the New Economic Policy in the USSR and the contemporary modernization of China. Special attention is paid to the mechanisms of economic growth acceleration in present-day Russia. They include macroeconomic stabilization, structural and institutional reforms based on liberalization of economic activity, and guarantees of property rights. 相似文献
970.
The impact of crisis in Ukraine on EU–Russia relations appears twofold. On the one hand, it revealed the high degree of disdain all across Europe to Moscow's neo-imperial approach. On the other hand, it unveiled a great deal of affection and sympathy to Kremlin's policy among a number of non-mainstream but significant groups within the EU. In this article, we mirror the major troubles of today’s Europe, as seen from Moscow’s perspective, with four nodal points of the Kremlin’s hegemonic discourse: social conservatism, nation state-based policies, independence from the US influence and the glorification of Russia’s self-inflicted mission of fighting contemporary neo-fascism. Our analysis of non-mainstream political parties in EU member states, sensitive and responsive to the Kremlin’s agenda, suggests that Putin's regime and Russia sympathizers in Europe pragmatically use each other, thereby challenging the classical ideological paradigms. This translates Russia’s policies into a trans-ideological repertoire of different discourses that differently resonate among the groups of Russia sympathizers. 相似文献