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861.
Mihkel Mäesalu 《Journal of Baltic studies》2016,47(3):369-383
King Wenceslas of the Romans (1378–1400) and of Bohemia (1378–1419) supported the Teutonic Knights, but his involvement in the Eastern Baltic region during the 1390s turned him into an enemy of the Knights. This paper argues that the change in Wenceslas’ policy was solely in the interests of his courtier Duke Swantibor of Pomerania-Stettin, who sought to establish his son as Archbishop of Riga. Wenceslas’ support for Swantibor owed to the traditions of courtly favor and instability in Bohemia, not out of any personal grudge against the Knights, as was claimed in earlier historiography. 相似文献
862.
Elena Chebankova 《后苏联事务》2016,32(1):28-54
This article analyzes contemporary Russian conservatism through the prism of ideational and positionist ideological perspectives. The author argues that Russian conservatism proposes a distinct value package through its anthropocentric nature, its plans for modernization of Russia, and its future outlook that must rest on the best elements of tradition. The author compares these trends with the Western conservative tradition, making distinct parallels between the two strands of conservative thought. The author also explores the attitude of Russian conservatism toward the post-modern world. This is intrinsically linked to the discussion of Russia's attempts to develop a political and ideational alternative to the West, introduce a distinct model for the architecture of international relations, and find Russia's position in the global world. 相似文献
863.
中国共产党始终充满着理论创新勇气和实践勇气,不断继承和发扬中国传统文化中的精华,不断推动马克思主义中国化进程,进而推动了党史文化的发展和繁荣,取得了中国革命、建设和改革开放的巨大成就。 相似文献
864.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):99-145
AbstractThis paper explores the failure of modernisation theory and its more recent offspring as represented by ‘transition to democracy’ and ‘construction of capitalism’ theories to explain the post-communist development of Russia. Some post-modern theories, though, reinterpreted to emphasise the disintegration and fragmentation of the ‘hard core’ of social structures rather than the ‘post-philosophical’ mode of thinking and ‘aestheticised’ styles of consumption, are looked at for a more fruitful conceptual alternative. In the conclusion, the idea of ‘multiple fragile modernities’ is argued for as the most promising starting point for the conceptualisation of post-communism as well as its correlation with global ‘late capitalism’. 相似文献
865.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):193-227
AbstractOne of the principal challenges facing contemporary social philosophy is how to find foundations that are normatively robust yet congruent with its self-understanding. Social philosophy is a critical project within modernity, an interpretative horizon that stresses the influences of history and context on knowledge and experience. However, if it is to engage in intercultural dialogue and normatively robust social critique, social philosophy requires non-arbitrary, universal normative standards. The task of normative foundations can thus be formulated in terms of negotiating the tension between ‘contextualism’ and ‘objectivism’. Six contemporary responses to this challenge are examined. Their respective limitations call for renewed reflection on justificatory strategies, in particular for a conception of ‘objectivity’ based in a normative theory of social learning processes. 相似文献
866.
《俄罗斯联邦刑法典》第11章专门规定了刑事责任免除制度,但并未穷尽免除刑事责任制度的规范,其中没有涵盖因对未成年人适用教育感化措施而免除刑事责任的情形。免除刑事责任的制度主要包括:因积极悔过而免除刑事责任、经济领域犯罪免除刑事责任的相关案例、因与被害人和解而免除刑事责任。分析上述刑事责任免除制度的适用条件与根据,揭示立法技术上存在的缺陷以及法律适用过程中出现的问题十分必要。 相似文献
867.
Judith Bourne 《Women's history review》2020,29(4):671-695
ABSTRACT Helena Normanton aspired to become a lawyer at a time when women were prohibited from entering the legal profession. This aspiration became a reality when, on 24 December 1919, she became the first woman to be admitted to an institution of the legal profession after the passing of the Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act 1919, thus enshrining her place in legal history. Her achievement was, without doubt, remarkable. She has become the ‘face’ of women’s entry to the legal profession, but what was her contribution to the opening the legal profession to women? How should history remember her? This article will examine her role in this history and compare it to her own narrative. Further it will consider how we reconcile her trailblazing challenge to the male exclusivity of the Bar with the difficulties her behaviour often presents to us. Helena Normanton: saint or sinner? And does it matter? 相似文献
868.
869.
Peter Sloman 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(2):216-222
The nineteenth and early twentieth century Liberal Party has been well served by British political historians. By contrast, research on the post-1945 Liberal Party and Liberal Democrats has become a specialised field, with strong empirical foundations (including in biographies and political science work) but few connections with the larger narratives that historians tell about postwar Britain. This article explores how the story of the ‘long Liberal revival’ from the late 1950s to the 2010–15 coalition might be reintegrated with contemporary historiography, including debates about deindustrialisation, class dealignment and the rise of ‘popular individualism’. It argues that careful attention to the nature and limits of Liberals’ political agency can help us understand the changing meaning and significance of third-party politics in Britain. 相似文献
870.
《Women & Criminal Justice》2013,23(1-2):127-137
AbstractThe contemporary experiences of women in prison at the beginning of the 21st century must be understood within the context of the monumental increase in incarceration of specific U.S. populations in the last three decades of the 20th century, a truly unique period in history. How race and class impact on the increase of women in U.S. prisons attests to the importance of an intersectional and structural analysis (of race, class, and gender) in explaining the huge number of poor, heavily Black and Latina women incarcerated today. Women are criminalized for the same kinds of crimes today as in the past (nonviolent larceny-theft, forgery, and prostitution)-with the critical addition of drugs (and the “net widening” of previously noncriminal or nonviolent behaviors). And with drugs, the racialized impacts are even more profound. The socially structured conditions of class, race, and gender in the context of globalization, unemployment, and the prison industrial complex help to explain these findings. 相似文献