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231.
近年来,随着人民生活水平的提高,食品和药品的安全问题也备受重视。2012年4月,青海各拉丹东等9家药厂生产的13种胶囊剂被检测出铬超标,更令人震惊的是,经媒体曝光这些企业涉嫌用皮革废料制作药用胶囊。“以价定论”的药品招投标制度被认为是导致这种现象的根本原因。为解决药品采购中的“寻租”问题,我国自2000年起开始实行药品集中招投标制度,并在2007年出现了以“挂网竞价限价”为主要特点的“广东模式”,并在全国范围内进行推广,但这种模式仍有其弊端。我们将从博弈论角度分析,利用支付矩阵证明这种模式下,企业为中标压低报价,从而产生压低成本的动因。本文将以广东省为例,研究我国现存药品招投标制度中的利弊,并以数据分析作为依托,说明政府历年的药品招投标价格和企业成本价格之间的关系,并给出完善现存药品招投标制度的建议。 相似文献
232.
《Journal of school violence》2013,12(4):33-49
Abstract Teachers feeling unsafe in front of their classes tend to show a reduced commitment to their educational task. This can have a negative effect on pupils' performance and may cause behaviour problems. Feelings of unsafety are generally associated with pupils' antisocial behaviour. We examined this proposition and found the correlation between the two factors to be less direct than is generally supposed. Subjective criminality-related factors (subjective victimization risk and own victimization experience) and well-being (including job perception, satisfaction with the pupils) are very important intermediate factors. Measures intended to reduce teachers' feelings of unsafety should, therefore, not focus directly on pupil behaviour but on the situation in which the teacher has to work. More in particular, attention should be paid to the development of a positive image of and a respectful attitude towards young people, to teamwork and teacher support, and to the optimization of conditional factors (class size, work pressure, etc.). The research material was collected via questionnaires completed by 1,432 teachers from 91 schools and secondary analyses of questionnaire data from 4,829 pupils (12 — to 18-year-olds) from the same schools. To complement the questionnaire data, twelve focus groups with teachers and eight with pupils were organised. 相似文献
233.
冯文春 《陕西行政学院学报》2013,(2):79-81
21世纪,文化的重要性越来越凸显出来,国家的竞争归根结底是文化的竞争,文化也是综合国力中最重要、最为活跃的要素之一。改革开放以来党的一系列文化建设战略部署,尤其是十八大关于建设社会主义文化强国的论述,为我国的文化发展指明了方向。面对历史的机遇与挑战,我们必须清醒地认识到:推动我国文化大发展大繁荣刻不容缓,是我们实现中华民族的伟大复兴梦想的必由之路。 相似文献
234.
唐秀英 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2013,(2):13-16
当前中国社会正处于全球化背景下的“急速转型期”,各种社会思潮交织在一起,社会意识形态易呈现一种紊乱倾向,导致我国主流意识形态安全正面临着前所未有的挑战,引起了党和政府的高度重视。党的十八大明确指出要“用社会主义核心价值体系引领社会思潮、凝聚社会共识”,形成全民族奋发向上的精神力量,抵御外来意识形态和文化的侵蚀。 相似文献
235.
江海波 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2012,26(1):44-47
当前,一些企业管理干部安全意识淡化,职工的违章违纪和脱标作业屡禁不止.为解决这一问题,应从根除职工作业陋习入手,让职工养成遵章守纪习惯,这是提高职工素质确保安全生产的重要途径. 相似文献
236.
《Journal of school violence》2013,12(2):67-80
Abstract This paper compared the bully behaviors of 250 9th and l0th grade boys and girls in four schools in Texas and Nebraska. Nearly one-third of girls and one-fifth of boys observed bullying often. The most common kind of bullying for both boys and girls was hurtful teasing and name-calling. Boys bullied using more physical violence, while girls reported less; however, both boys and girls indicated they were threatened with harm more than 26% of the time when bullied. 相似文献
237.
弱者安全权的平衡与供给 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
张洪波 《中国人民公安大学学报(社会科学版)》2012,28(2):70-78
弱者安全权是弱者生存和发展的前提,当弱者由于自身的脆弱性与不利性不能实现充分的安全自力救济时,必须建立平衡的供给结构。弱者的能力贫困是弱者安全能力不足的主要原因,对能力贫困实行补助,是基于权利位阶理论推导出的安全权优先原则以及基于社会契约理论推导出的倾斜性保护原则。弱者的安全权行使是一个悖论,弱者往往会成为事实与想象中的安全事件制造者,实施硬暴力以积极掠夺或利用弱者身份消极抵抗。弱者的安全困境在于弱者安全感的缺失与常规安全供给不足,弱者很难实现身份转化与充分信息下的策略选择。应兼采安全规范的立法差别化与司法和执法均等化,推动以公民身份和社区参与为内容的安全权力重组。 相似文献
238.
This paper situates food safety concerns raised in the Brexit debate since the referendum and suggests that, although the issue of chlorinated chicken entered public discourse, it represents wider concerns about food safety standards. Food safety has had high resonance in the UK since the 1980s, but Brexit shows how it connects to wider concerns also raised about Brexit, such as impacts on healthcare, the effects of austerity on food poverty, the limitations of low waged employment, concerns about migration and labour markets, and regional economic disparities. Brexit’s impact on the UK food system is immense because food has been highly integrated into EU governance. While food standards can be portrayed as a single narrow issue, the paper suggests it provides a useful lens with which to examine, interrogate and comprehend these wider Brexit politics. The complex realities of food politics and wider food system dynamics undermine any simplistic political narrative of ‘taking back control’. 相似文献
239.
Dawn Goodwin 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(2):202-209
If inquiries are about learning the lessons of the past, why do they appear to find the same failings time and again? Bristol, Mid Staffordshire, Morecambe Bay, Liverpool Community Health are all examples of where culture went wrong. The lack of learning from inquiries is a prominent concern and one raised elsewhere in this issue. In this article, I explore why it might be that culture is repeatedly found to be the cause of healthcare failures. I start by reviewing perspectives on what culture is and the degree to which it is possible change it. I examine how culture was described in the Bristol, Mid Staffordshire, Morecambe Bay and Liverpool inquiries and question whether these are the same cultures, with the same problems, or whether they are different. I discuss possible explanations for apparent similarities, describe how cultural change occurs and conclude by drawing out the implications of focussing on culture as a threat to patient safety. 相似文献
240.
Regulatory capitalism and its discontents: Bilateral interdependence and the adaptability of regulatory styles 下载免费PDF全文
The expansion of global trade has produced new challenges for the effective governance of product safety. We argue that many of these challenges arise at the bilateral level from the interaction of more or less adaptable national regulatory styles. When regulatory styles are unadaptable they produce gaps in risk management, slow and contested resolutions to crises, and limited regulatory cooperation. To examine these claims empirically, we study bilateral food safety regulation in four major exporter–importer dyads: China–Japan; Canada–United States (US), China–European Union (EU), and the US–Japan. The China–Japan dyad is the most adaptable, combining China's “export segmentation” regulatory style with Japan's strongly “risk‐averse, interventionist” style. The Canada–US dyad operates effectively, bringing together Canada's “global market–conforming” regulatory style with the US strategy of “sovereign regulator.” The China–EU dyad is less adaptable because the EU's “harmonization” regulatory style makes it difficult for the EU to adapt to the weaknesses of the Chinese food safety system. Finally, the US's sovereign regulator style clashes with Japan's interventionist style, making them the least adaptable of the four dyads. The paper concludes with a discussion of the broader relevance of our findings for the development of regulatory capitalism. 相似文献