论新世纪加强党的执政能力建设的时代背景、科学依据及基本精神

加强党的执政能力建设,是进入新世纪以后国际国内的大形势对我们党提出的新要求。加强执政能力建设的科学依据是:巩固中国共产党执政地位的根本需要;实现党在新世纪历史使命和奋斗目标的客观需要;新世纪全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程的现实需要;提高党员领导干部能力素质的迫切需要。加强党的执政能力建设的基本精神包括:首先必须坚持正确的指导思想和总体目标;重点必须明确和掌握执政能力的基本任务和基本内容;根本措施就是全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程。     

中国社会保障法律体系的构想

分析了中国社会保障体系的立法背景,根据法律体系构建原理描述了中国社会保障的法律体系结构,指出我国社会保障体系应由政策优先向法律优先转移。从概念研究入手,立足于国际经验比较分析,根据中国宪法原则,提出了关于中国保障法律体系内容和结构的初步设想。     

中国人世与加强少数民族地区公务员能力建设

中国是个多民族的国家,由于地域和文化观念的原因。少数民族地区的发展较为落后,为了抓住入世所带来的机遇,加快少数民族地区的经济发展,加强少数民族地区公务员的能力建设更应引起我们的重视。     

Trading party preferences: the Australian experience of preferential voting

Political parties respond to electoral rules in ways which gain them partisan advantage and enable them to make strategic choices about the use of their electoral support. The alternative vote (AV) and proportional representation by the single transferable vote (STV) provide considerable opportunity for this kind of partisan activity. The ability of the voter under such electoral systems to rank candidates in order of the voter's preference creates a kind of property which can be used by parties, especially minor parties, to influence the behaviour of both candidates and other parties. The paper investigates this aspect of preferential voting systems and the extent to which the context of electoral rules can encourage or discourage a trade in partisan preferences. Elections for the Australian House of Representatives and Senate are used to show how political actors can respond to electoral rules which permit the control and trading of preferences to be developed into a series of sophisticated transactions.     

应对重大突发公共卫生事件的敏捷性机制研究——四川省新冠疫情案例

大数据时代,危机背景下的敏捷治理是各国政府面临的热点话题和重要问题。新冠疫情这场公共危机给世界带来了巨大危害和挑战,也为地方政府部门的治理和创新提供了机遇。面对疫情,中国各省政府令行禁止,快速有效地控制了疫情蔓延,体现了特有的"中国速度"。本文以四川省的疫情防控工作为例,通过复盘典型案例揭示了应对重大突发公共卫生事件的敏捷性机制。主要贡献为:(1)将敏捷性的内涵与特点拓展到公共部门的应急管理领域,识别出公共组织敏捷性体现为危机识别、流程以及双元敏捷性;(2)提出危机治理能力和高效的管控方式的动态匹配是获取敏捷性的核心要素,其中危机治理能力是实现敏捷性的基础,高效的管控方式是实现敏捷性的关键手段;(3)归纳了应对重大突发公共卫生事件的敏捷性机制过程模型。本研究结论为各省政府的制度建设以实现敏捷治理提供有益指导,也进一步丰富了地方政府创新的理论基础。     

Gender Equality (And its Absence) in Singapore’s 2015 General Elections

Abstract

With the dust settled after Singapore’s 2015 parliamentary elections, the only aspect pundits and Singaporean politics watchers could agree on was that the People’s Action Party’s comeback from its performance at the 2011 elections, although not of Lazarus proportions, was most certainly unexpected. While the result of the 2015 elections has gone through several post-election analytical mills, what has been oddly absent in such analyses is a discussion of gender in Singaporean politics. This article considers the relationship between gender and Singaporean politics through the experience of the 2015 election and its results. It shows that while Singapore has moved some way towards assuaging the demands of liberal feminists for greater representation in the political sphere, much more has to be done in order for gender equality to be achieved. The article argues for the Group Representation Constituency method of electing parliamentarians to be adapted to ensure a greater number of female parliamentarians while a quota system may be required for cabinet to be truly representative of the female demographic of Singapore.     

Singapore Beyond Ethnicity: Rethinking the Group Representative Constituency Scheme

Abstract

The resounding victory of the People’s Action Party (PAP) in the 2015 Singapore general elections surprised many observers. Several observers had considered the previous election, held in 2011, to be the new normal in Singapore politics, with the Workers’ Party being the first opposition party to win a Group Representative Constituency (GRC). Instead of its popular vote sliding from 60% in 2011, the PAP secured almost a 10% increase in its fortunes. Analysts have spoken about PAP’s hard work and the opposition’s failures when commenting on the ruling party’s success; this article, however, points out how Singapore’s electoral system, especially the GRC, continues to favour the ruling party and why it should be rethought. Introduced in 1988, the scheme ensures minority candidates (non-Chinese) are voted into parliament. Candidates contesting in a GRC form a team of Members of Parliament (MPs) with at least one minority candidate in each team. This article argues that the 2015 election results proves that Singaporeans no longer vote along ethnic lines, and non-Chinese MPs have comfortably led the GRCs and won in Single Member Constituencies. To be sure, the GRC scheme does new PAP candidates a disfavour: it weakens their legitimacy with voters, since they remain under the shadows of senior PAP candidates and cannot win elections on their own accord.     

实践创新教育 培养创新能力

创新不是与传统的完全“决裂”,而是对优良传统的继承和发展。继承与创新是通过教育实现的。实践创新教育要把方法论作为学生的必修课,课程设置要宽厚而又灵活,要增强跨学科课程,开设研究性、学习性课程,开设综合性课程。     

提高基层民警群众工作能力的意义及途径研究

群众工作能力是基层民警基本素质的重要组成部分,当前基层民警群众工作能力相对较为薄弱,已制约和影响了公安基层基础建设,影响了公安机关战斗力和作用的发挥。为扭转这一状况,结合实际提出基层民警群众工作能力方面存在的问题、产生问题的原因及解决途径。     

显微红外光谱仪与显微拉曼光谱仪对纺用无色单根纤维的检测

目的研究常见纺用单根无色纤维的有效鉴别方法。方法使用显微红外光谱仪、显微激光拉曼光谱仪研究7大类纺用单根无色纤维的分子光谱。结果显微红外光谱仪、显微激光拉曼光谱仪能有效区分包括棉、粘胶、羊毛、丝、聚酰胺、聚丙烯腈和聚酯在内的7种纤维,是检测单根纤维的有效手段。785nm激发光源是显微激光拉曼光谱仪研究这7类纤维的最佳波长。但由于纺用纤维生产过程的标准化,仅依据红外或者拉曼的峰位置区分同种类、不同产地纤维的效果一般。结论显微红外光谱仪、显微激光拉曼光谱仪是鉴别常见纺用单根无色纤维的有效方法。