国家助学贷款政策法律分析

助学贷款政策是国家为了利用金融手段支持高等教育体制的深化改革,促进我国教育事业发展的重要举措。实施9年来,资助了300多万贫困学子完成了学业,受到人民群众的普遍欢迎。但是,这个政策从实施那一天起就伴随着银行惜贷,学生违约等制约助学贷款制度的良性发展的问题。从法律层面上分析,提升国家助学贷款的立法层次、完善制度设计、厘清各种法律关系,明确当事人的权利义务,是实现助学贷款制度良性循环的良策。     

金融性与国际性：国际金融法本质特征之所在

国际金融法这一概念的本质特征就在于其调整对象具有金融性和国际性。从金融的内涵看,资金融通是金融的初始和基本的本质特征,但当代只有将金融界定为虚拟经济才能容纳全部的金融实践。金融性将国际金融法与研究国际关系问题的其它学科或科学区分开来。从外延看,金融涵盖货币、银行、证券、保险等,国际金融法相应地包括以上领域的制度。由于WTO将商业存在作为金融服务提供的方式之一,传统的"国际"标准暴露出其局限性,因此,国际性应将外国在东道国建立商业存在而发生的各类金融关系包括进来。国际性将国际金融法与国内金融法区分开来,而金融性与国际性的结合使国际金融关系成为国际金融法独有和特定的调整对象。     

Brexit,the Belfast Agreement and Northern Ireland: Imperilling a Fragile Political Bargain

The major impact of the Belfast Agreement was to engineer a peaceful coexistence between nationalism and unionism that involved each bloc recognising it had sufficient power to thwart the political ambitions of the other side, but not enough to push through its own agenda. This paper argues that Brexit seriously damages this peaceful coexistence and could trigger what is termed an Ulster war of attrition in which Northern Ireland becomes entrapped in a political stalemate where each side strives to triumph without having sufficient power to do so. It also argues that to restore internal political stability in Northern Ireland, and to indemnify against the risk of disorderly relationships between the British and Irish governments in the future, the strategic importance of Strand 3 of the Belfast Agreement requires strengthening.     

The allusive market: insurance of flood risk in neoliberal Britain

Launched in 2016, Flood Re is a government-supported scheme for flood-risk insurance in Britain that is intended to pave the way towards an eventual ‘free’ market featuring risk-reflective pricing. This paper introduces the concept of ‘the allusive market’ to denote the figurative work that the market vision performs in this context. Alluding to the merits of what is in reality a highly implausible market-based future for flood insurance releases the government from having to substantively address intractable problems associated with the financial risk of flooding in the present: the market will come to the rescue. A risk-management crutch, the allusive market engenders contemporary policy paralysis, occasioning in turn the worsening of the very problems that the market is being relied upon, eventually, to resolve.     

On prediction in political science

This article discusses recent moves in political science that emphasise predicting future events rather than theoretically explaining past ones or understanding empirical generalisations. Two types of prediction are defined: pragmatic, and scientific. The main aim of political science is explanation, which requires scientific prediction. Scientific prediction does not necessarily entail pragmatic prediction nor does it necessarily refer to the future, though both are desiderata for political science. Pragmatic prediction is not necessarily explanatory, and emphasising pragmatic prediction will lead to disappointment, as it will not always help in understanding how to intervene to change future outcomes, and policy makers are likely to be disappointed by its time-scale.     

Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain

What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally.     

“一带一路”、中间地带与美国对华战略博弈

基于争夺国际中间地带的地缘战略传统,美国将“一带一路”倡议作为对华战略博弈的重要场域。自中国提出并落实“一带一路”倡议以来,美国政府的反应策略可以划分为战略意图警惕、少边主义阻断和多边制度竞争三个阶段。美国对华竞争策略的演变逻辑集中表现为愈发强调争夺中间地带国家的重要性,以谋取第三方支持作为其“竞赢”中国的战略工具。美国对中国及其“一带一路”倡议的负面战略评估,以及美国国内外对华共识凝聚力的上升,为其对华竞争手段赋予了承诺扩大化、议题安全化和策略明晰化的特质。美方的举措破坏了国际多边合作机制的现有框架,也在美国社会层面扰乱了舆论生态和决策环境,加剧了国际安全环境中的不可控风险。跟踪分析美国针对“一带一路”倡议在中间地带展开的竞争举措,不仅能够理解中美关系的演变轨迹与发展趋势,也要求中国通过战略研判、意图传递与制度对接等路径予以应对。     

中美特殊经贸关系与“契约”之路径

晚近,中美作为非同质的两个世界大国,新兴的一方与守成的另一方发生了巨大的权力变迁,相应地,双方在国际经贸领域的收益分配也出现了反转的态势,同时中美形成的激烈经济与战略竞争使得双方经贸关系政治化更加明显。缘此,中美之间的既有经贸关系正面临着前所未有的变动压力,或已难以完全固守普适于各国的统一规则,客观上需要引入一种可适时而变的专门契约加以修补,借以寻求双方之间收益分配的再平衡。     

Peaceful development of cross-strait relations,one country two systemsHorizon

one country, peaceful reunification policy put forward, which has existed for more than 30 set. People have proposed the development of cross-strait peace framework. It is necessary for the developm...     

试论台海局势缓和对东北亚地区安全形势的影响

中国政府的积极努力,马英九政府对海峡两岸政策的调整,促成了台海局势由紧张对峙到逐步缓和。台海局势缓和不仅缓解了台湾岛内及国际反华分裂势力蓄意利用台湾牌造成的东北亚地区紧张形势;而且为海峡两岸与东北亚地区的进一步合作提供了极好的发展契机。实践证明:由于台湾地缘具有的重要性,台海局势缓和是直接关系到海峡两岸和东北亚地区的安全和稳定的重要因素。