社会工作教育及专业社会工作关系的透视

从前线专业社会工作者以及实务对象的角度分析,当前社会工作专业教育存在冲突与限制。中国文化处境下,专业社会工作的关系是多重和多种关系的融合。社会工作专业教育以及社会工作教育者必须在策略、内容、实践等环节进行调适,以推动社会工作专业教育的本土化发展,建构本土化的关系模式和知识,进而推动中国社会工作专业化和职业化的发展。     

The Good and Bad of Social Change: Ambivalence Toward Activist Groups

Inherent to any substantive social change is the disruption of the status quo. To the extent that individuals are motivated to preserve the current social system (e.g., Jost & Banaji, British Journal of Social Psychology, 33, 1–27, 1994), even social change in pursuit of positive goals might evoke ambivalent reactions. Although activist groups might elicit positivity because they are assumed to have positive qualities and they seek positive goals, they might evoke negativity because their actions disrupt the current social system. These experiments examined two different forms of disruption of the status quo. In Experiment 1, a group gaining power elicited greater ambivalence than a group losing power, regardless of the valence of the group’s goal. Importantly, the conditions that evoked ambivalence did not inhibit behavioral support. Experiment 2 found that a new group elicited more ambivalence than an established group when pursuing a positive goal. Consistent with theories emphasizing maintenance of the status quo, these findings demonstrate that attitudes toward activist groups do not derive solely from self-interest.

Reconsidering Peer Influences on Delinquency: Do Less Proximate Contacts Matter?

Much research on adolescent delinquency pivots on the notion of peer influence. The peer effect that is typically employed emphasizes the transmission of behaviors and attitudes between adolescents who are directly linked. In this paper, we argue that to rely solely on those direct social ties to capture peer influence oversimplifies the realities of adolescent society. We use data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health to show that indirect peer relations can exercise independent influences on adolescent delinquency. Adolescents actively draw on the examples of friends of friends, and even more distal peers, as they develop their repertoires of action and identity. We argue, however, that this behavior actually reflects adolescents’ ongoing struggle to impress their closest friends and to preserve their social circle. Indeed, the extent to which adolescents are willing to model the behavior of indirect contacts seems to decline as that behavior becomes more dissimilar from that of their close friends. Our findings dovetail with an account of the adolescent as a rational actor who struggles for social acceptance in a complex peer environment which offers conflicting behavioral models.

权利的实现与“有限侵害性”的社会权力——从贫困治理出发的思考

如何实现、保障和发展公民所拥有的法律上的权利?对这一问题的研究不应该再继续局限于国家与市民社会两分法这样一种简单化的理论框架。因为在当前,这一理论框架只是驱使研究者关注国家权力如何从社会中退出,关注国家权力对社会自治的侵害,而忽视了对社会权力的有限侵害性特点的研究。社会权力的有限侵害性最鲜明地体现在公民社会基本权利的保障和实现中,也即对贫困的治理。     

Brothers’ Keepers?

Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.

Public Opinion and Collective Obligations

This article attempts to identify the general principles that underlie public reasoning about collective obligations and that help explain when political parties can create new obligations or defend existing ones. I use these principles to President Clinton’s unsuccessful attempt to create government health-care plan and attempts by President Bush to privatize Social Security. The success of a party in selling – or defeating – an obligation depends upon what people believe about the competence and capacity of government and the value of autonomy – choices made by each citizen; whether people perceive the obligation as providing floors or establishing ceilings by limiting choice or otherwise restricting opportunities for the better-off; and whether the program is more like insurance or more like welfare. A party’s ability to maintain credibility with voters also depends upon whether party leaders can suppress issues that threaten intra-party elite pacts. When attempts to suppress “taboo” issues like “stem cells” or “black crime” fail, the party loses credibility with its voters and attempts to defend or sell obligations fail.

禁毒社会工作专业建设思考

通过分析禁毒社会工作的现状,提出培养禁毒社会工作人才的措施:进行社会工作的宣传,扩大社会认知度;政策支持;准确定位禁毒社会工作专业人才培养的目标与能力体系;专业课程设置的创新;做好社会工作实习基地建设;提升师资专业水平,增强执教信心;积极编写教材,实现"本土化"等措施来加快社会工作专业建设。     

治安管理视角下的社会管理创新中的公民参与问题研究

公安机关在推进社会管理创新的过程中,应当转变社会治理模式、加强行政相对人对社会管理的参与。在治安管理领域,公民参与的制度匮乏、程序缺失、积极性不高等原因导致公民参与整体水平较低,影响了治安管理的效果。通过邀请公民参与规范性文件的制定、建立案件公开制度等一系列方式,全力保障行政相对人对治安管理的参与和知晓,从而促进其对公安机关的理解和支持,达到维护社会秩序稳定的目的。     

社会资本对农民工信任流入地政府的影响研究

农民工已然成为我国城市建设和经济发展的中坚力量,但由于户籍制度和城乡二元体制的影响,他们无法得到城市、农村两地政府的有效服务和管理,导致他们对政府的信任感偏低。本文利用西安交通大学人口与发展研究所2008年12月在陕西省X市LH区对农民工进行实地调查所获得的数据,以政府信任理论和社会资本理论作为理论基础,对西部农民工信任流入地政府现状及影响因素进行研究。研究结果发现,高素质、年轻一代的农民工对流入地政府的信任感低;社会资本越丰富的农民工越信任流入地政府;政治活动参与意愿越强、社会经济地位越高的农民工则越不信任流入地政府。     

The dark side of disagreement? Revisiting the effect of disagreement on political participation

Thriving democracy requires an open exchange of disagreeing viewpoints. Yet disagreement may have a dark side. Recent research claims that people who experience disagreement in their informal political discussions are less likely to vote. This paper adds to a growing group of challenges to the notion of a ‘dark side’. It addresses the conventional wisdom from both a theoretical and practical viewpoint. I argue that disagreement in itself should not depress participation. Only those atypical respondents who encounter entirely disagreeing viewpoints are less likely to vote than those who encounter completely agreeing perspectives. People with mixed networks are equally likely to vote as those who face complete agreement. This paper tests the alternative theory against the conventional wisdom by returning to the dataset that first found evidence of the ‘dark side’. The evidence overwhelmingly supports the alternative theory. As a result, this study helps to mitigate concerns about the negative effects of disagreement and supports a network-centric approach to political science.