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821.
论我国公共秩序保留制度的完善   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
张伟波  王平 《行政与法》2004,(8):113-115
我国公共秩序保留制度相当完善,但仍存在一些疑难问题不能根本解决。一个根本的原因,就是没有很好的把握国际私法基本精神的走向。文章将从国际私法基本精神从“主权优位”到“平位协调”的转换方面,对我国公共秩序保留制度的发展方向加以定位,从而提出了对我国公共秩序保留制度的适用,在立法实践中加以限制和改善的建议。  相似文献   
822.
We contend that political context is important to consider when analyzing social capital and that context has an important but neglected impact on understanding the consequences of civic activity. Our focus is on the influence of rural, local leadership in two Minnesota communities and policies that these elites have developed to bring Internet connectivity to their citizens. One city developed a community electronic network and the other opted for an individualistic, entrepreneurial approach to information technology. Using a quasi-experimental research design and four-wave panel data, we find that elite policy approaches interact with civic activity to predict technology use among citizens, even long after the policies’ initial implementation. In the city with a community network, residents who are integrated into civic life are able to harness these political resources to become more technologically sophisticated.
Alina OxendineEmail:
  相似文献   
823.
论构建和谐社会的政府行政能力建设   总被引:28,自引:0,他引:28  
构建和谐社会,是我国社会主义现代化建设的重要战略构想,也是一项全面系统的目标体系。它必然对政府行政能力提出诸多新的严峻的挑战,要求政府具备包括领导发展能力、行政整合能力、社会平衡能力、制度创新能力、公共服务能力、应急处置能力等在内的核心能力。要围绕这些核心能力,大力加强政府行政能力的开发与建设。  相似文献   
824.
En nous centrant sur le cas de la FTMH entre 1970 et 2004, nous analysons l'adaptation des syndicats dans le contexte de leur affaiblissement au cours des années 1990. Selon nous, l'affaiblissement du syndicat dans la sphère économique a donné lieu à un déplacement de l'action syndicale vers la sphère politique. Il est possible de dégager deux axes dans la redéfinition de la stratégie de la FTMH, dont le premier concerne le renouvellement des élites: des nouveaux dirigeants, universitaires et marqués par leur appartenance au PSS, remplacent les “élites traditionnelles” du syndicat. Ce renouvellement a appuyé un deuxième changement: un nouveau rapport à l'état et une diversification des registres d'action du syndicat. Les négociations collectives s'accompagnent désormais de stratégies de politisation, mais aussi de mobilisations, ainsi que d'une volonté de s'assurer une meilleure visibilité médiatique. L'ensemble de ces évolutions témoignent d'un rapprochement avec le PSS.  相似文献   
825.
东亚秩序转型是冷战后国际关系学界争论的重要问题。在回顾既有争论的基础上,本文尝试从局部等级视角切入,分析东亚安全秩序的性质及其转型动力。局部等级体系由体系唯一超级大国领导的地区安全等级与区域内自助国家共同构成。冷战结束以来,东亚地区呈现出典型的局部等级体系特征,并在中国持续崛起的过程中逐步形成了以战略对冲为主要行为模式的安全秩序。尽管当前美国对华政策的对抗性不断增强,但是在局部等级体系下中国坚持战略对冲不但可以有效缓解自身面临的崛起困境,而且有助于防止中美陷入美苏冷战式的集团对抗,以战略对冲为核心特征的东亚安全秩序也将因此得以延续。这些发现一定程度上深化了地区安全秩序和大国竞争的理论研究,同时也有助于中美两国更为有效地管控其在东亚地区的战略竞争。  相似文献   
826.
强调关注和研究"过程"意味着西方思想的基本思维方式和认识模式的根本转变.对黑格尔、马克思和怀特海的过程思想特征的概括和比较表明,这种思维方式和认识模式所具有的根本缺陷及其巨大惯性,是当代西方的科学与人文之间的冲突的最主要根源之一.只有运用扬弃了"过程"思想的"社会个体生成论",才可能克服这种根本缺陷及其惯性,并找到彻底解决这种冲突的现实有效的途径.  相似文献   
827.
Despite scholarly interest in determining how exposure to disagreeable political ideas influences political participation, existing research supports few firm conclusions. This paper argues that these varied findings stem from an implicit model of contextual influence that fails to account for the indirect effect of aggregate social contexts. A model of contextual influence is outlined which implies that the neighborhood partisan context moderates the effect of political disagreement in social networks on campaign participation. The evidence shows that network disagreement demobilizes people who are the political minority in their neighborhood, but has no influence on people in the majority. When viewed together, these findings indicate that a person’s relationship to the broader political environment sets distinctive network processes in motion.
Scott D. McClurgEmail: Phone: +1-618-453-3191
  相似文献   
828.
ABSTRACT

This article elaborates on the functionalities of Facebook and WhatsApp, and the possibilities and limitations of their usage in the anti-mining campaign in Bangka, Indonesia, with special focus on the participation and offline–online intertwining of communication processes. The research reported in this article contributes to a deeper understanding of the relationship between social media and political protest in the context of discriminatory natural resource extraction in Indonesia. In 2017, the alliance against the mining activities of the Chinese company PT Mikgro Metal Perdana in Bangka, which consisted of villagers, activists, tourism operators and divers, succeeded in ousting PT MMP from Bangka. Social media enhanced mobilisation, communication, knowledge transfer, transparency, and solidarity in this anti-mining campaign. Through WhatsApp, the rapid transmission of information and communication was facilitated when urgent action was needed. The Facebook group Save Bangka Island not only provided general information but also enhanced solidarity, cohesion and the creation of an “imagined community.” However, it is also found that social media sites are stratified spaces where villagers – the primary affected group – are excluded because of their lack of Internet access.  相似文献   
829.
The present article situates the systemic efforts to annihilate stray dogs within the wider picture of Ottoman modernizing reforms in the nineteenth century. The period under investigation witnessed an increasing desire on the part of the modern Ottoman state to control and reform disenfranchised human and animal groups, which were believed to jeopardize public order, security and hygiene. These groups – beggars, orphans and the unemployed – were identified as actors irreconcilable with the modern image that the reforming bureaucracy and modernizing elites sought to project. In the face of increasing challenges from European powers, they were the epitome of underdevelopment and backwardness. Ottoman elites and official authorities therefore proposed and implemented institutional measures in the form of forced labor, reformatories or deportation to reform the conditions of these groups, segregate them from the greater public and discipline them. In the modern period, along with the proposals that called for the removal of dogs, modernizing intellectuals and professionals proposed alternative plans to render non-human animals beneficial to human needs and the modern state's expectations.  相似文献   
830.
Abstract

This paper examines the transnational networks formed between women who were part of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME) within the United States (US) and its South African missionary societies during the early twentieth century. From the outset, these networks enabled South African women to gain tertiary education in the US, but were nonetheless entrenched in unequal power dynamics. US-based women considered themselves metaphorical mothers to the female South African members, portraying the African women as daughters in need of social and financial support. US AME women were complex role models for Black African women who could not reasonably maintain the lifestyle enjoyed by many AME missionary women. Often, however, South African women appear to have utilized these unequal power dynamics, embracing the rhetoric of being “forlorn daughters” of Africa to maintain the AME’s support. Nevertheless, these networks helped sustain both US and South African women’s participation within the AME Church.  相似文献   
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