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181.
This article explores the strength and causal determinants of ideological thinking within Swiss local political parties. The concept of “ideologization” refers to (1): “horizontal couplings”, as they are manifested in intercorrelations between different opinions, and to (2) “vertical couplings” of specific opinions to abstract concepts of “left” and “right”. Results show high ideologization on the left‐center section of the LR‐scale, especially in the vertical dimension. On both sides of the spectrum, ideological constraints are significantly higher in larger communities than in than in smaller ones. Only in rather small communities, does ideologization correlate positively with the educational level, the modern occupational background of party members and the number of other local parties with which they have to compete. In communities of given size, ideological thinking is more pronounced when parties possess a small share of political power. Finally, it is found that ideological constraints have increased somewhat between 1989 and 2002.  相似文献   
182.
Segal addresses feminism's future at a time when political energies are apparently in decline. She explores the contradictory models of feminism operating in political and media representations: the dominance of gender questions and gender anxieties, including the marked concern with models of 'proper' masculinity, inevitably implicates feminists in the political arena. The decline in political engagement among feminists is in any case disturbing, because women without power have been made the central targets of neo-conservative social policies in the United States, Britain and elsewhere, with the female 'welfare dependent' becoming particularly demonized. The failure of feminists to address such issues results from the decline of socialist feminisms, and a general failure within feminism to make class and race differences, and the inequalities that result from them, the central plank of its theories and politics. Segal calls attention to the divorce between feminist theory and feminist activism, and argues that the politics of the academy have largely contributed to a disciplinary specialization which militates against feminism's productive interdisciplinarity. While the literary paradigms that now dominate feminist thought have produced rich models for subjectivity and identity, the decrease in social science contributions to the field has led to a lessening of attention to existing social relations. Segal insists upon the necessity of a continuing engagement with cultural questions, but argues that these need to be combined with a commitment to radical social transformation if feminisms, in all their complexity and multifariousness, are to have a future.  相似文献   
183.
In the modern era of US presidential nominations, every election cycle we witness around 20% change in delegate selection system types. This variance remains unexplained and for the most part unexplored. At the same time, prior formal and empirical models offer contradicting expectations of party leader behavior in their choice of system. This paper looks to bridge this divide. We argue state party leaders use delegate selection systems to select candidates favorable to their own ideological position. When the median partisan is ideologically left relative to the position of state Democratic leaders, the leaders of the Party will open up the delegate selection system to dilute the voices furthest on the left. We employ maximum likelihood estimation as a method to show that left positioning of citizens relative to state Democratic leaders increases the likelihood the state Democratic Party will use a primary system as opposed to a caucus.  相似文献   
184.
ABSTRACT

This article explores the interrelation of volunteering, violence and ideology by studying the pro-Kurdish political and militant mobilisation to the wars in Syria, Turkey and Iraq. Focusing especially on the trajectories, motives and reflections of foreign volunteers in different Kurdish militant groups, I argue that ideology is neither a precondition nor a necessary reason for mobilisation to an armed group. In many cases, it is the other way around, as mobilisation to violence is often the source of ideological conviction.  相似文献   
185.
The left-right dimension plays a crucial role in how political scientists think about politics. Yet we know surprisingly little about the extent to which citizens are able to position themselves on a left-right dimension. By analysing non-response on left-right self-identification question from seven waves of the European Social Survey (N = 295,713), this study demonstrates that citizens’ ability to position themselves on the left-right dimension depends on the political system they live in and its history. Citizens in countries with lower levels of elite polarization place themselves on a left-right dimension less often, this difference is partiularly pronounced for citizens with high levels of political interest. Citizens in countries with a recent authoritarian history were unable to place themselves on the left-right dimension more often. These findings show the importance of political socialization for left-right self-identification.  相似文献   
186.
胡伟 《理论与改革》2020,(2):150-159
坚持科学执政、民主执政、依法执政,是发展社会主义民主政治的必然要求和必要条件,也是推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的关键所在。为此,要把党的领导方式和执政方式嵌入到社会主义民主和法治的制度框架之中,把科学执政、民主执政、依法执政有机统一起来,把“为人民执政”和“靠人民执政”有机统一起来。其前提是澄清我国民主政治建设的一些重大理论和实践问题,在知行合一的前提下不失时机地推进社会主义民主政治建设。  相似文献   
187.
贾淑品  孙自胜 《长白学刊》2021,(1):31-38,F0002
列宁坚持马克思恩格斯处理意识形态问题的基本原则和方法,将马克思主义同历史时代、俄国具体实际的发展相结合,对资产阶级意识形态的理论挑战和受伯恩施坦主义影响的俄国内部错误思潮进行了坚决地批驳和澄清。他批判了资产阶级哲学意识形态的荒谬性、政治意识形态的虚假性、宗教意识形态的欺骗性,同时对无产阶级内部机会主义和修正主义进行了清算,加强了党对意识形态的领导与实践,探讨了无产阶级政党加强自身意识形态建构的策略,建构了社会主义的意识形态,从理论和实践上将马克思恩格斯意识形态思想发展提升到了一个新的高度。列宁意识形态批判与建构思想启示我们:一是要想建设好、发挥好社会主义意识形态的凝聚力和引领力,必须高度重视意识形态工作,重视党的领导。二是要与错误思潮作坚决的斗争。三是要在把握时代、创新方法中不断丰富和发展社会主义意识形态。  相似文献   
188.
《二十世纪中国》2013,38(3):216-244
Abstract

This article investigates a transformative encounter between the Chinese artist Xu Beihong (徐悲鴻 1895–1953) and audiences in the Soviet Union during his 1933–1934 exhibitions of Chinese art in Europe. While Xu was exchanging perspectives and addressing questions about Chinese painting, a misreading of one of his paintings sparked in him a reconsideration of content and form that eventually led to the creation of some of the earliest Socialist realist ink-and-color paintings in China. This addition to his repertoire is arguably more significant to his legacy than his most popular works because of the way it heralded the coming Socialist realist evolution in guohua (國畫 national painting) and the manner in which Xu’s choices would meet the ideological needs of the Communist Party well before it secured authority over the direction of China’s arts. Special attention is paid to situating Xu’s personal work vis-à-vis Republican and revolutionary art and explaining how the concurrent political milieu paved the way for both the prestige of his art in popular and cultural memory and the unprecedented stature of his art education methodologies in China’s revolutionary times.  相似文献   
189.
思想、道德、文化领域的多元、多样、多变,使中国意识形态面临“非传统”与“新传统”的悖论.一方面,改革开放使传统又一次遭遇空前涤荡;另一方面人们日益渴望以传统重建社会生活的基本同一性,30年改革开放也正在形成某种“新传统”.制度意识与意识形态主张之间的不平衡,伦理与道德之间的不平衡,市场经济观念与伦理道德、传统文化之间的...  相似文献   
190.
自上世纪四十年代以来,人们一直在反思增长主义的发展模式,反思人与自然、人与人、人与自身如何和谐发展的问题,但始终没有得到有效的解决,反而扩展为全球性的发展难题。原因在于"资本逻辑"作为一种非人性的力量统治着整个全球社会,把人和自然作为资本增殖的工具。无论是根据马克思主义学说,还是从20世纪社会主义的经验教训来分析,都说明"以人为本"才能超越资本逻辑。中国特色的社会主义实践需要将"以人为本"作为一种新的意识形态。  相似文献   
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