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41.
刘艳红  刘浩 《法学家》2020,(1):90-104,193,194
社会主义核心价值观对指导性案例的形成具有指引作用。指导性案例中对核心价值观之具体内容的直接引用或间接体现,对案例形成前期的司法个案裁判具有指导意义。核心价值观参与司法适用,应具体化为一种司法价值观,并明确其适用的具体边界,以减少适用的主观性、伦理性、非规范性与不确定性。根据司法价值观的一般内容要求,应对核心价值观的内容予以选择,并兼顾核心价值观的道德引领与法理论证,注重核心价值观各内容要素之间的关联性。核心价值观对于形成后的指导性案例具有分类作用,应注意形成核心价值观不同具体内容方面的案例群,并明确指导性案例形成的主要目的。  相似文献   
42.
马克思在1844年厘清了"意识""观念"与"现实生活"的差异,并将前者作为概念的本身来阐述。在此基础上,他说明了意识形态形成的"实践"环节,并透过对"意识"与"观念"的表述,首次在意识形态视阈下阐释了"生活决定意识"的原理。马克思对"观念"的使用包含两种语境:"一般"观念及"具体"观念。在《1844年经济学哲学手稿》中,他指出在资本主义生产条件下人的(一般)"观念"如何因"异化劳动"而产生了虚假性质。在《神圣家族》中,马克思分析青年黑格尔派的哲学观如何成为(具体)"固执观念",因其颠倒逻辑、误解实践意涵之故,从而导致观念的虚假性。通过对异化观念与固执观念的分析,马克思开启了对意识形态的初步认识。  相似文献   
43.
This article ties together research on gender, income inequality, and political ideology, by exploring the effect of gender‐based earnings inequality on women's belief in a fundamental tenet of the “American Dream”—meritocracy. Focusing on gender‐based earnings inequality in women's local residential context, and drawing upon relative deprivation theory, this article argues that variation across local areas in the relative economic status of women should influence the ideological outlook of resident women. In contrast to relative deprivation theory, but consistent with rising expectations theory, I argue that ideological disillusionment should peak in contexts in which women's earnings fall closely behind men, and that ideological optimism should rebound in contexts in which women's earnings have achieved parity with that of men. Utilizing pooled survey data, I find strong evidence that individual women's belief in the American Dream varies according to whether local women's relative earnings indicate confrontation with or breaking of the “glass ceiling.”  相似文献   
44.
The article aims to explore whether the accuracy of voters' perceptions of party ideology are affected by party position shifts and by the media's turn to non-left-right issues, such as political leadership, during election campaigns. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) and a country-specific left-right index based on data by the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP), multilevel analyses reveal that emphasizing leadership issues can lead voters to reflect left-right positions more accurately. A party's left-right position shift between elections does not lead to a significant difference in voters' perceptions, while a shift on the economic sub-dimension of left-right ideology can even lead voters to more position clarity. However, multiple parties' shifting their positions seems to overburden respondents' cognitive capacity.  相似文献   
45.
一个社会的稳定和发展,必须要有一种强大的主流意识形态作为其精神支柱。执政党作为一个国家的领导集团,要想保持强大的执政基础,获得广大民众的长期支持,则必须注重对这样一种主流意识形态的构建。当前在改革开放和社会主义市场经济深入发展的新形势下,如何进一步加强马克思主义主流意识形态的指导地位,继续引领和不断整合多样化的社会思潮和思想观念,就成了摆在我党面前的一项紧迫任务。  相似文献   
46.
《德意志意识形态》是马克思意识形态学说创立的标志著作。但马克思主义是否是意识形态?如果是,那么与资本主义社会的意识形态又有何区别?这些问题时至今日仍为中外学界所关注。梳理马克思《德意志意识形态》一文中的意识形态学说内容,结合实践,证明马克思主义是科学的意识形态,在我国意识形态领域中居于指导地位。  相似文献   
47.
In recent years much has been written on the communist successor parties. Although much of the existent work focuses on the electoral performance of these parties or has described, in great detail, the development of single parties, this paper evaluates the utility of theories of party identity change in application to the successor parties. As an initial exploration we investigate the successor parties' programs before and after the initial competitive parliamentary elections in Hungary (in 1990), Poland (in 1991) and Russia (in 1993) to determine the extent to which poor electoral performance in initial competitive elections compelled the successor parties to alter their political identities.  相似文献   
48.
郭财新 《学理论》2011,(28):50-52
马克思主义引领着我国社会思潮的发展,完整、全面地理解马克思市民社会理论对于我国市民社会研究与建设具有积极的意义。面对马克思市民社会理论研究中存在的争议,就需要在研究中在更深的层次上不断回到起点,重温经典,对马克思市民社会理论作更基础的研究。《德意志意识形态》作为马克思第一次系统阐释市民社会理论著作,同时在马克思市民社会理论发展过程中具有承上启下的作用,通过对著作中市民社会概念作进一步的梳理,能够清楚地展现马克思的市民社会概念的逻辑演进历程,廓清马克思市民社会概念的理论内涵,同时界定市民社会概念在马克思主义唯物史观创立过程中的特殊地位。  相似文献   
49.
This article offers a critical discursive analysis of proper names used in Polish political discourse, focusing on six addresses to the nation made by prominent public figures of the Polish political scene?the president, prime minister, and the primate of the Catholic Church. The names used in the speeches did not function merely as means of referring to places or persons. The speakers used them to construct an ideologically preferred reality. Those used by the president of Poland ''embellished'' the Communist past of the country and showed his political (post-Communist) option as a viable proposal for Poland. The speeches made by the primate of Poland created a politically uncontroversial image of the country, with the head of the Catholic Church positioned as a moral authority. Finally, the visible absence of names in the prime minister's speech represented the etatistic view of Poland.  相似文献   
50.
Erin Steuter 《政治交往》2013,30(4):257-278
Conservative terrorism scholars have made the claim that the media have become a propaganda tool for terrorists and sympathetically portray terrorist activities. This article provides quantitative and qualitative data from Time magazine in 1986 suggesting that this view is mistaken. News production is treated as a social process that both informs and obscures, rather than as a neutral process that simply provides ‘objective’ facts. The results of the investigation reveal seven ways in which ideology is manifested in the terrorism news: semantics, language, headlines, social and historical context, treatment of objectives, trivialization, and amplification of violence. The ideological uniformity and lack of diversity apparent in terrorism news suggests that this kind of treatment results in a lack of understanding of the media/terrorism relationship and serves to support conservative views about the nature of terrorism and appropriate responses to it.  相似文献   
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