How do established voters react to new parties? The case of Italy, 1985–2008

The Italian party system largely collapsed in the early 1990s, providing us with a natural experimental situation in which voters were confronted with new parties – indeed, with an entirely new party system. How did they react? This paper develops a number of expectations on the basis of existing theory and tests these expectations using a dataset consisting of election studies conducted in Italy between 1985 and 2008. We find that a new party system causes confusion as to where parties stand in left-right terms, making it difficult for voters to make their choices on the basis of ideological cues. The confusion is greatest among older voters – those already set in their habits of voting, but only the very oldest cohorts (containing voters over 60 years old) are significantly debilitated.     

深刻认识和把握科学发展观的历史定位——学习党的十八大政治报告

科学发展观的提出和系统化,是党的十六大以来我们党具有里程碑性质的理论创新,是马克思主义同当代中国实际和时代特征相结合的产物,是马克思主义关于发展的世界观和方法论的集中体现,对新形势下实现什么样的发展、怎样发展等重大问题作出了新的科学回答,把我们对中国特色社会主义规律的认识提高到新的水平,开辟了当代中国马克思主义发展新境界,是党必须长期坚持的指导思想。     

东营市农村人力资源现状及原因分析

加快农村人力资源开发，提高农村人力资源素质，是建设社会主义新农村的根本。东营市农村人力资源数量丰富，但整体科学文化素质低，人力资源结构不合理，人才资源比较匮乏，农村劳动力弱化、老龄化问题凸现。这是思想认识、“二元”结构、教育体系、投资体制、政策法规、市场制度、管理体制等因素共同影响的结果。为此，东营市应强化措施，大力推进农村人力资源开发。     

文化诗学：当代中国马克思主义文艺批评发展的历史选择

新世纪以来,马克思主义文化诗学的体系建构,标志着我国马克思主义文艺批评建构进入了一个新的历史时期。文化诗学批评在坚持马克思主义文艺批评方向的同时,广泛吸收了中外既往的文艺批评遗产;在坚守文艺审美本性的基础上,将文艺批评向文化扩展;在坚守文艺对现实＂诗意裁判＂的同时,强烈关注当下中国现实。文化诗学批评的兴起,是我国当代马克思主义文艺批评建构的历史选择。     

“A world to win”: China,the Afro-Asian Writers’ Bureau,and the Reinvention of World Literature

ABSTRACT

This article analyzes Chinese contributions to the Afro-Asian Writers’ Bureau’s efforts to reinvent World Literature from an anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist perspective. The Afro-Asian Writers’ Bureau was founded as a counter-narrative to Eurocentric conceptions of World Literature and universal culture. The AAWB’s vision was inspired by a Marxian understanding of worldliness. Relying on Chinese archival materials, this article shows how Chinese representatives to the AAWB, including Zhou Yang and Mao Dun, shifted from an explicitly Soviet, socialist-realist model for World Literature inspired by Maxim Gorky to a progressively independent, nationalist course in the wake of the Sino-Soviet split. The story of the AAWB is one of competing universal visions. The Chinese contributions to the AAWB are also reflected in China’s current expanding cultural influence and soft power in the Global South.     

科学发展观、新民本主义与社会主义民主政治建设

八十余年来,作为中国工人阶级先锋队组织 的中国共产党,在领导人民进行新民主主义革命、 社会主义革命和社会主义建设过程中,始终把无 产阶级民主理想的实现作为重要奋斗目标。中国 共产党人为达此目标作了艰苦卓绝地不懈努力。 在这努力过程中,以毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民为     

社会主义市场经济体制改革理论创新

党的十六大提出新世纪头20年全面建设小康社会的宏伟目标,从十六届三中全会确定的主题看,推进小康社会建设,首先应抓深化改革,从完善社会主义市场经济体制入手,按照“五个统筹”的要求完善新体制,使股份制成为公有制的主要实现形式,建立健全现代产权制度,这是一项现实的选择和正确的决策,必将有力地推进我国社会主义现代化建设事业的蓬勃发展。     

学习贯彻十六大精神,一定要抓住"三个代表" 重要思想这一核心问题

学习贯彻十六大精神,一定要抓住"三个代表"重要思想这一核心问题.抓住"三个代表"这个核心,就必须理解它的时代背景和形成的历史过程,就必须把握"七一"讲话的基本精神."三个代表"重要思想的提出与世纪之交我们党面临的国际国内形势任务、与20世纪末国际共产主义运动发生的重大历史挫折、与邓小平向第三代领导集体交接班时的重托以及与世纪之交我党以整风精神开展"三讲"教育的实践活动有密切关系."七一"讲话围绕着贯彻"三个代表"思想提出了十大理论新观点.通过对这些新的理论观点的学习讨论,进一步提高了认识,统一了思想,为十六大的胜利召开奠定了思想理论基础.     

Ideological mavericks or party herd? The effect of candidates’ ideological positions on intra-party success

Political candidates' ideological positions have been used to explain success in inter-party competition, but little is known about how they impact success in intra-party competition. Here, candidates' positions on the Left–Right and GAL–TAN dimensions are analysed in three Finnish parliamentary elections (2011, 2015, 2019). Candidates' ideological positions are measured in terms of their ideological distance from their own party's median candidate. Absolute ideological distances between candidates and their party's median candidate decrease candidates' preference votes. Furthermore, the effects are contingent on the general ideological position of the candidate's party. However, these interactions do not follow any clear pattern, as more rightist candidates in right-wing parties and more green-alternative-libertarian candidates in traditional-authoritarian-nationalist parties all experience a decrease in their preference votes. This effect is large enough to be a decisive factor in intra-party competition between the last candidate that was elected and the first one that was not.     

Symbolic ideology in the American electorate

Ideological self-identification in the United States is well measured for the period 1970 to the present. Many survey measures are available and they are posed with considerable frequency and regularity. It is thus a relatively straightforward methodological exercise to combine them into a single measure of the American public's latent disposition to identify as liberal or conservative. What is problematic about this state of affairs is that the availability of these good measures occurs after a number of important changes in the American political context, changes that, we argue, have affected how Americans conceive of ideological terms and how scholars think about self-identification in the modern electorate. This paper seeks to measure and explain ideological self-identification in the time before modern survey research. We undertake an historical analysis of scattered pieces of public opinion data before 1970, assembling the pieces to build a time series of self-identification from 1937 to 2006. We then begin attempts at explaining the now observable, and often dramatic, changes in this series.