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991.
在中央提出全面建成小康社会、努力实现中华民族伟大复兴的新形势下,各级工会纽织充分发挥工会“大学校”作用,进一步提高职工队伍整体素质,对于推动油田在更高水平上实现科学发展、率先发展、和谐发展具有重要的现实意义。本文从完善职工素质教育体系、技能人才培养体系和创新成果转化应用体系三个方面全面论述了深化实施职工队伍素质提升工程的对策,并结合企业实际,进一步提出了推动职工队伍素质提升的保障措施。  相似文献   
992.
This paper offers hypotheses on the role that state social welfare measures can play in reflecting nationalism and in aggravating interethnic tensions. Social welfare is often overlooked in theoretical literature on nationalism, because of the widespread assumption that the welfare state promotes social cohesion. However, social welfare systems may face contradictions between the goal of promoting universal access to all citizens on the one hand, and social pressures to recognize particular groups in distinct ways on the other. Examples from the post-Soviet context (particularly Russia) are offered to illustrate the ways in which social welfare issues may be perceived as having ethnic connotations.  相似文献   
993.
在社会转型大背景和社会管理新形势下,政府与高校作为创新社会管理过程中的利益交互方,亟需规范双方权力配置、厘清双方权力属性,发挥良性互动作用。在归纳与总结已有政府与高校关系研究的基础上,基于创新社会管理的视角,构建出"交易型"、"制衡型"和"转化型"三种政府与高校关系域中的权力分配模式,并提出形成双主体权力分配模式与发挥其作用的对策。  相似文献   
994.
ABSTRACT

This paper contributes to our understanding of EU-Ukraine relations by examining intersemiotic communication – how words and images, or verbal and photographic semiotic layers and their interaction, combine in the representation of international affairs. The analysis focuses on Ukraine’s perspectives of Self, the EU and Russia as presented in Ukrainian media discourse, namely, in leading Ukrainian social and political newspapers (January-June, 2016). The article presents the results of applying the cognitive theory of perspectives to research the intersemiotic and mental image of Self and Other in four aspects: a vantage point, direction of scanning, perspectival distance, and perspectival mode. Based on that, I explain the main strategic narrative of the Ukrainian press about the EU, how it is sustained, and how the image of the EU becomes pronounced.  相似文献   
995.
ABSTRACT

Since the Great Recession started in the late 2000s, the European Union (EU) has experienced an acute crisis that has triggered internal divisions among EU members. Three factors can help shed light on this tendency towards political fragmentation: economics and finance, culture, and territory. Each of these reveals a specific ‘geography’, in terms of policies and narratives, of the current malaise regarding the EU project and the limits of the Union in addressing issues important for the domestic debates of its members. Such discontent, as well as anti-EU sentiment, fuels strong political reactions including populism and anti-elitism that could further fragment the EU in the future.  相似文献   
996.
Abstract

Political scientists face problems when assessing a leader’s impact: how can we know that a policy outcome or institutional change is caused by leadership? This article argues that in addition to relying on comparisons and counterfactuals, we need to trace the causal mechanisms by which leadership affects outcomes. Therefore, the article proposes a way to trace leadership and applies it to two cases of EU crisis management: the European Central Bank’s role in announcing Outright Monetary Transactions in the eurozone crisis, and Germany’s role in shaping the EU’s response to the Ukraine crisis. Systematic process-tracing shows that both actors provided leadership ‘by default’. However, while the ECB had to combine the provision of knowledge with unilateral action in order to overcome the eurozone crisis, Germany could use manifold bargaining-based strategies and thus became the EU’s de facto agenda setter and main representative in managing the Ukraine crisis.  相似文献   
997.
贾永生 《政法学刊》2013,30(4):73-81
犯罪现场概念是一个随着社会发展而不断演化的概念.狭义的犯罪现场概念是与犯罪行为有关的场所及载体.广义的犯罪现场概念是与犯罪行为有关的人、物、时、空存在及其内在联系的总和.大数据时代的到来,让我们对犯罪现场广义概念的认知更加具有现实层面的应用意义.树立与大数据模式相应的犯罪现场观,通过各种与犯罪现场构成要素及其联系相关数据库的发掘与应用,可以带来侦查破案思维与工作模式的大变革.  相似文献   
998.
ABSTRACT

Despite their common history, Central Europeans have never had a coordinated or consistent position on the issue of European defence and are now, in fact, drifting further apart. Today, some states consider themselves exposed to a threat from Russia while others do not have the same perception and are even moving towards closer cooperation with Moscow. However, the most important factor shaping the positions of Central Europeans is the current, still very loose state of the European Union’s defence policy. As long as the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) remains focused on providing security and stability to other parts of the world and weak on defending the EU area, Central Europeans will refrain from truly committing to it.  相似文献   
999.
Abstract

Until the late 1980s, European integration was generally said to be based on ‘integration through law’. However, in the 1990s, a group of scholars observed that law seemed to be increasingly challenged and new modes of governance tended to distance themselves from legal integration. They were confronted with another group arguing that the EU was still subject to processes of judicialisation, juridification and Eurolegalism. Against this background, this special issue aims at understanding what triggers normative transformations, be it the hardening or the softening of law, at both EU and national levels. In this introduction, soft and hard law are given a definition based on obligation and enforcement. Then, normative transformations are situated in a framework which makes a distinction between processes, normative levels and political/administrative levels of transformation. Finally, three types of explanations are suggested to help us understand when and why transformations occur.  相似文献   
1000.
Abstract

This paper seeks to understand the seemingly paradoxical behaviour of states of the Global South, which on one the hand conform to transnational norms in order to integrate into the international society and on the other hand (sometimes simultaneously) differentiate themselves from them. To that end, this article develops the dilemma of the marginalised in order to show that conformity and differentiation become two paradoxical strategies for marginalised actors to pursue the same goal: equality with powerful states. The transformation of the Organisation of African Unity to the African Union, where significant changes in Africa’s policy vis-à-vis global powers took place, serves as a case study to illustrate how marginalised actors struggle between conformity and differentiation in order to claim their place in the international arena. It also shows how the dilemma of the marginalised can be compelling to help us understand the predicaments of marginalised actors across vastly different situations of structural inequality. Acknowledging the dilemma helps us understand their behaviour rather than to dismiss it as irrational, thereby recognising Third World agency in shaping the international system.  相似文献   
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