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231.
While theoretical work on strategic voting emphasizes the importance of elite messages in persuading minor party supporters to abandon their first preference, few empirical studies have examined this relationship. I argue that while poll results certainly increase the likelihood of changing one’s vote, explicit information signals can increase this probability even more. Furthermore, these effects will be moderated by the presence of a counter message and the sponsor of the explicit information signal. These hypotheses are tested with data generated from two experiments. Electronic supplementary material  The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
Jennifer L. MerollaEmail:
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232.
苗蓓蕾  薛力 《南亚东南亚研究》2021,(2):37-49,153,154
阿富汗素有"帝国坟墓"之称,不少学者认为中国应尽量避免过多卷入阿富汗问题,尤其是安全事务方面。然而,中国现阶段采取的"最低限度介入"也不能帮助解决阿富汗问题,有必要调整为"有条件积极介入",即:以不单边军事介入、不干涉阿富汗内政和尊重阿富汗人的意愿为原则。在地区安全方面,中国应积极构建中美俄印巴大国安全合作机制,发动五国力量共同提供区域公共安全产品;在外交方面,中国应坚持以双边调解和多边斡旋为主,借中巴、中伊(朗)良好的双边关系以及中国在阿富汗问题上独特地位多方协调,形成稳定有效的双边谈判机制和多边协调机制,并将阿富汗纳入上合组织;在经济方面,中国应依托"一带一路"倡议、中巴经济走廊等机制加大对阿经济援助促进阿富汗经济可持续发展,切实提升阿富汗人民的生活水平;在社会与文化方面,中国可为阿富汗提供可供借鉴的社会管理模式和改革经验,致力于促进中阿两国的文化交流和民心相通,使两国的友谊深入民间;同时,始终保证积极介入的底线所在,以便践行周边外交优先理念,展示负责任大国形象,防范"金德尔伯格陷阱"。  相似文献   
233.
由于自身特有的生理和心理特征,女性警察心理压力的来源很多,承受的心理压力指数最高。沉重的心理压力容易引发女性警察异常的生理及心理反应,因而个体心理的自我调适就显得非常重要。  相似文献   
234.
Parenting coordination is a dispute resolution process to assist the subset of separating/divorcing parents who remain entrenched in high conflict coparenting post‐separation/divorce. Based on factors known to impact positive child outcomes, its goals include assisting parents to protect children from their conflict and implementing a framework that will assist the child to have a good relationship with both parents. Despite significant efforts, parenting coordination often falls short of achieving its intended goals, which include not only healthy child adjustment but also efficacious coparenting, which is itself an important mediator and moderator of child outcomes. This article raises questions and concerns about the extent to which child outcomes may be limited if the goals of parenting coordination are limited to establishing and implementing a disengaged, parallel model of coparenting, while avoiding or giving up on efforts to build and enhance cooperative coparenting. Given preliminary findings indicating some parents note change here express dissatisfaction with the process and outcomes, it is necessary to consider whether the seemingly intractable subset of parents referred for parenting coordination might benefit from something more or different. We discuss two innovations: One aims to strengthen individual parent readiness and responsiveness and the other brings parents together in a child‐centered team‐building approach. Though cooperative coparenting is a challenging and unrealistic goal for some parents, further research is necessary to understand more fully which interventions help which families, when and in what manner.  相似文献   
235.
推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化,要求我国树立总体国家安全观。在转变国家安全战略思维、提升国家安全战略能力的同时,还要遵循全局谋划、多管齐下、防微杜渐等原则。通过完善国家安全战略主体系统、拓展国家安全战略客体范畴、创新国家安全战略运行机制等方式,及时调整和完善国家安全战略。  相似文献   
236.
In this article, I use Alastair Johnston's concept of strategic culture re-visited through a critical constructivist perspective to analyze the representations of India's strategic culture and nuclear policy choices. In doing so, I explore how the representational practices of (and the mutually-constitutive relation between) India's nationalist identity/Self and its strategic environment, facilitated via its political leaders’ ideological lenses, have produced shifting representations of India's strategic environment to justify the nation's nuclear policy choices. In exploring this representational linkage between India's strategic environment and its nuclear (in)securities, I am cognizant that anarchy is a challenge facing India's task of nation-making and thus realism serves as a partially valid explanation for understanding the logic proliferation. Yet, my study demonstrates how culturally guided interpretations of what constitutes the Indian Self have divergently re-interpreted India's strategic environment and (in)securities to define the nation's nuclear policy choices.  相似文献   
237.
This article explores the drivers of the development of strategic commissioning over the last two decades, its limitations, and the implications of its rapid spread. It suggests that the differences between government departments have allowed scope for local variations, which have been exploited by local government, leaving room for more innovation than would have been possible under an entirely ‘joined-up’ government agenda. The forms taken by this new approach to strategic commissioning were consistent with continual pressure from central government to find ways of promoting externalisation of public services. Although this underlying drive was often resisted, particularly at local level, but always re-emerged. The article ends by exploring the implications of this analysis for public services in the era of fiscal austerity under the new UK Coalition government.  相似文献   
238.
This study explores what ordinary American adults learn from news reported in different communications modalities and media. In the first experiment, the text of news items about Star Wars is held constant but the communications modality varies. In the second experiment, news reports reflect the journalistic style of television, newspaper, and magazine reporting. In the modality experiment, subjects learned equally well from the audiovisual, audio, or print versions of the stories. In the media experiment, subjects in the magazine and television conditions gained substantially more information than those in the newspaper condition; but when subjects were asked to apply information to policy judgments about Star Wars, magazine readers were more dovish than television viewers. For Star Wars news, it appears that the content and characteristic style of a news medium have important effects on news comprehension, particularly for the least informed and least interested members of the public.  相似文献   
239.
As a result of the financial crisis, some commentators see the reform process in the East Asian states as an outcome of the disciplining behaviour of financial markets that will lead to the emergence of a neoliberal form of capitalism. The Malaysian experience suggests, however, that progress to neoliberal forms of economic organization will not be inevitable, despite governments having to increasingly accommodate global markets. In Malaysia, the degree to which a neoliberal adjustment response could be embraced was limited by domestic political factors. First, the government needed to maintain the ethnic based distributive policy that favours ethnic Malays with material entitlements for reasons of state and regime security. Second, the state was not wholly insulated from a key social group that emerged as a result of the ethnic-based distributive policy, namely an elite Malay corporate group. A third reason was economic nationalism, a major component of Prime Minister Mahathir's vision for the country that stressed the building up of Malaysian corporations and conglomerates. Access to domestic sources of funds for adjustment and the centralization of power in the government, particularly in the office of the Prime Minister, facilitated this process of defending national economic arrangements, at least during the period in question. The limited liberalization of the ethnic based distributive policy did not, however, imply a shift in the ideological and policy agenda towards complete embrace of neoliberal norms and practices. The imposition of capital controls, although announced as a temporary measure to allow space for the government to pursue its preferred course of adjustment, further indicates that the commitment to free markets in Malaysia is instrumental. The Malaysian case suggests that movement towards neoliberal forms of economic organization as a result of the financial crisis may be limited and is not inevitable.  相似文献   
240.
政府组织的功能之一就是实施对社会的管理,而政府管理可以分析出三个要素,即管理环境、管理主体与管理客体.从这一理论视角切入,政府组织的能力就体现在三个方面:一是基于管理环境视角的"情境认知能力",它是政府组织直面环境变化与应对环境挑战的一种能力:二是基于管理主体视角的"组织调适能力",它体现在"适应、控制与变化"的三个环节中:三是基于管理客体视角的"社会治理能力",它体现在政府作用于客体及其社会价值实现的过程中.  相似文献   
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