高质量发展背景下对外承包工程外派劳动者权益保护问题研究

在“一带一路”高质量发展的背景下,保护对外承包工程外派劳动者权益的重要性日益凸显。目前,我国对外承包工程外派主要包括自有员工外派、对外劳务合作外派和项目分包外派三类用工模式。通过对司法裁判案例的分析发现,在招工、用工和维权、定责的环节中,外派劳动者的权益因非法中介的存在、违规分包转包、司法救济途径不畅、责任主体不明等而受损。针对上述困境,我国应当落实违法招工的法律责任,加强对违规分包、转包的监管力度,进一步明确外派劳动者的权利救济路径以及雇主责任的承担。     

政府行为对企业技术创新风险影响路径

采用实证方法研究了政府行为对企业技术创新风险的影响路径问题。以某高新技术开发区为实证对象验证结构方程模型,检验调查问卷结构效度及量表数据信度,应用多种拟合优度指标评价模型并计算相关参数。结果表明:政府强化知识产权保护会降低企业政治及市场环境风险,政府采购及市场扶持会降低企业市场环境风险,财税及融资支持会降低企业经济环境风险,加强软硬件环境建设会降低企业软硬件条件及人文环境风险;而企业市场环境及经济环境风险的降低会导致技术创新项目需求风险的下降,技术创新项目需求风险及企业政治环境风险的降低会导致技术创新立项决策风险的减轻,企业人文环境风险的降低会导致企业员工能力风险的下降,企业员工能力风险的下降则会导致企业管理水平风险的减轻。     

孟加拉国参与“一带一路”倡议:利益与问题

2007年全球金融危机爆发之后,中国和世界经济增长放缓。为此,中国提出了对外开放的宏大战略。这一战略的核心是丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路,即后来的"一带一路"倡议。"一带一路"倡议是真正意义上的全球合作,其影响远远超出了中国的范围。孟加拉国是孟中印缅经济走廊的一部分,孟中印缅经济走廊被列入"一带一路"倡议下的六大经济走廊之一。从孟加拉国的角度分析参与"一带一路"倡议的利益所在,并讨论孟加拉国在孟中印缅经济走廊中的作用,对研究"一带一路"倡议如何影响孟加拉国具有重要意义。另外,也需要从孟加拉国的角度审视"一带一路"倡议中提出的"五通",重点分析"一带一路"倡议可能面临的挑战,从孟加拉国的角度提出中国回应挑战的建议,为推动未来的相关研究提出若干建议。     

East Asian financial regionalism: why economic enhancements undermine political sustainability

East Asian financial regionalism was born in response to the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997–1998. The centrepiece of financial regionalism was the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), an emergency liquidity mechanism created by the ASEAN+3. It embodied both a clear interpretation of what had gone wrong in 1997–1998 and an understanding of the need for institutions that would be politically viable despite Sino-Japanese rivalry. Enforcement under CMI relied on the ‘IMF link’ – release of funds would be predicated on crisis countries' initiating negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as a means of reducing moral hazard, enforcing conditionality and diverting blame from the leading creditors, Japan and China. The global financial crisis of 2008–2010 and the eurozone crisis that followed have inspired important changes meant to address CMI's economic gaps, including accelerated adoption of ‘CMI Multilateralization’ (CMIM), the creation of a new surveillance unit (ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Organization, or AMRO), and the establishment of a new precautionary line. Many observers have remarked that these developments weaken the IMF link, which had effectively subordinated CMI to the IMF. While the moves appear to demonstrate a more confident, autonomous regionalism and a relative devaluation of the US-dominated global financial institutions, this paper argues that in fact, the ASEAN+3 states have again unearthed the underlying politics of divided leadership and mutual suspicion. CMIM is now threatened by the renewed potential for internal divisions. Further complicating the picture, both China and Japan have recently established large bilateral swap lines outside of the CMIM framework with several of their ASEAN+3 partners, raising the question of whether CMIM is moving towards political irrelevance even as it has arrived at a high water mark in its institutional development.     

The political economy of infrastructure development in Africa: an assessment of the NEPAD Presidential Infrastructure Champion Initiative (PICI)

Using a political economy approach, this article examines the factors that cause high-profile political leaders on the African continent to champion particular regional infrastructure projects within the framework of the Presidential Infrastructure Champion Initiative (PICI). It also analyses the extent to which the presence of high-stature political champions enhances the prospects for project implementation. The paper argues that the economic and integrative potential of regional infrastructure projects, alongside the presence of high-stature political champions, do not necessarily guarantee implementation. Rather, it is the interplay of diverse economic, institutional and political factors and interests that determines the successful implementation, or otherwise, of the various championed infrastructure projects.     

伊斯兰世界U型认同与恐怖组织类型关联性研究

自“阿拉伯之春”以降,伊斯兰极端主义日益成为全球非传统安全研究领域的主要议题。以往的研究已经注意到极端宗教思想对“一失败,即溃散”的弥散型恐怖主义之影响,但对于弥散型恐怖主义生成根源、传播路径与扩散范围却没有形成系统性的区分与探讨。基于对伊斯兰文明圈核心区域、半边缘区域和边缘区域在宗教地位、部族影响、民族国家认同与区域权力结构四种因素的区分,在伊斯兰文明核心区域容易形成向外围单向辐射的跨国弥散型恐怖主义;而在伊斯兰文明边缘区域容易接受来自文明核心区域的影响并成为伊斯兰极端主义扩张工具与动员手段。半边缘区域因地缘上的过渡性和宗教上的亚文明特征而介于两者之间。“一带一路”倡议途径广大的伊斯兰国家,为确保中国海外投资安全,在伊斯兰文明核心区和半边缘区域应该注重发展同当地部族关系,而在边缘区则需要强化政府间官方合作。     

1999年以来我国文化安全研究述评

文化安全问题随着全球化的深入已上升为我国安全战略的重要内容。基于现有文化安全研究文献的梳理归纳,可从文化安全问题的产生、文化安全的基础理论、我国文化安全的现状、文化安全的对策研究等几个方面对1999年以来我国文化安全研究进行述评,并在此基础上展望了文化安全研究由单一维度、零散的研究走向多维度、系统化的总体态势。     

Pubertal timing and adolescent delinquency†

Early pubertal timing (PT) increases the risk of adolescent delinquency, whereas late development reduces this risk; however, the mechanisms explaining PT effects on delinquency remain elusive. Theoretically, the PT–delinquency relationship is as a result of changes in parental supervision, peer affiliations, and body-image perceptions or is a spurious reflection of early life risk factors. Using intergenerational data from the Millennium Cohort Study, a prospective sample of children followed from infancy to age 14 years in the United Kingdom (N = 11,556 parent–child pairs), we find that for both boys and girls, early PT is associated with heightened risks of delinquency, relative to on-time puberty, whereas late PT is associated with lower risks, even after controlling for a large share of childhood confounders. Mediation test results indicate that changes in parental supervision, peer affiliations, and body-image perceptions from ages 11 to 14 partly account for associations between off-time PT and delinquency. Our findings are most consistent with criminological theories in which the psychosocial, familial, and peer group changes that accompany off-time pubertal development are emphasized. Changes in peer substance use, in particular, were the primary explanatory factor for the relationships between early and late PT and delinquency, for both boys and girls.     

中国与“一带一路”沿线国家跨国科学研究合作何以可能?——一项定性比较分析

【问题】中国与“一带一路”沿线国家之间的跨国科学研究合作是承载“一带一路”建设科技交流与创新发展使命的重要议题,然而由于许多“一带一路”沿线国家的制度和法律环境尚不健全,甚至部分国家还存在较强的政治风险和文化冲突,这种合作并非易事。在此背景下,中国与“一带一路”沿线国家之间的跨国科学研究合作何以成为可能?【方法】本研究从宏观分析视角提出了中国与“一带一路”沿线国家之间跨国科学研究合作影响因素的分析框架,并采用模糊集定性比较分析方法识别了36个沿线国家案例中的跨国科学研究合作影响因素及其条件组合。【发现】资源投入与制度环境是影响跨国科学研究合作的重要因素,两者相互耦合共同构成跨国科学研究合作的实现路径。进一步地,本研究依据资源投入与制度环境不同耦合程度,识别出强强联合型、资源主导型、经贸带动型与政治兜底型四种跨国科学研究合作类型。【贡献】论文提出的分析框架弥补了以往研究聚焦于中观和微观层面跨国科学研究合作影响因素分析的局限性,区分了不同伙伴国家与中国开展跨国科学研究合作的各种途径,可以更为准确地解释全球治理背景下的跨国科学研究合作机制,对于中国进一步深入推进与沿线国家之间的跨国科学研究合作、提升合作效果具有积极意义。     

竞争性地区主义与亚洲合作的现状及未来

2008年世界金融危机之后,竞争性地区主义的兴起成为亚洲合作中的一个非常值得注意的现象。不过,竞争性地区主义对于亚洲来说并非一个新事物,而是长期孕育在本地区合作的历史进程中。伴随着特朗普的上台和中美竞争的加剧,亚洲竞争性地区主义出现了新的变化趋向:以经济为出发点的合作导向逐渐让位于安全,国际制度日益成为大国权力博弈的工具,制度竞争的内容也从表面的规范之争迈向背后的理念价值之争。这种变化对中美关系发展、地区中小国家的战略选择、东盟在地区合作中的主导地位以及亚洲合作的前景都造成了不小的冲击。为了防止亚洲竞争性地区主义的发展滑向恶性竞争,包括中美在内的泛亚各国,应努力促使"印太战略"和"一带一路"倡议两大机制之间形成某种程度的兼容共存,避免两者成为完全对抗的国际机制,并在部分特定领域共同为亚洲各国提供必要的公共产品。