Reinventing political subjectivities: studying critical documentaries on the war on terror

This paper casts a look on media aspects of the anti-war-on-terror struggle in western countries. A peculiar warfare, the “war on terror” that officially begun in 2001, is a low-density global warfare, fought in different internal and external fronts . Within a liberal, increasingly post-political social terrain, where social affairs are objects of expert management lacking public accountability and legitimacy, the role, status and the identity of the contemporary citizen is in decline. New media “affordances” offer critical possibilities for challenging hegemonic political discourses, and addressing political alternatives for a broad range of social problems; a re-invention of citizenship through the construct of a new (collective) political subject is central in the reinvention of democracy today. Discourse analysis, drawing reflexively on post-structuralist discourse theory and critical discourse analysis, is deployed in the study of counter-war-on-terror discourses in different documentaries critical to the “war on terror”. Analysis looks at different constructions of “us” and “them” in the context of counter-hegemonic discourses today. Identity is central in the engagement, participation and orientation of citizens today. Identity is central in organising a collective centre and in initiating subjectivity to fragmented liberal, postmodern individuals.     

The Mujahideen in Bosnia: the foreign fighter as cosmopolitan citizen and/or terrorist

This article explores the idea of the Mujahideen in Bosnia as ‘cosmopolitan citizens’. During the Balkan War in the early 1990s, these foreign fighters flocked to Bosnia in order to take up arms alongside those whom they understood to be their besieged Muslim brethren. Although this act of transborder mobilization can be framed as an act of cosmopolitan citizenship, the subsequent ‘problem’ of the Mujahideen in a post-9/11 context destabilized their original cosmopolitan act through a re-enactment of borders and the revocation of their (literal) citizenship. Within the larger post-9/11 narrative, where the Mujahideen must necessarily be understood as terrorists/potential terrorists, they are an interesting point of study in an examination of what can be seen as the sinister side of transnational citizenship, and they expose what Appadurai (A. Appadurai, 2006. Fear of small numbers: an essay on the geography of anger. Durham: Duke University Press.) calls our ‘fear of small numbers’. Particularly compelling is that the post-9/11 Mujahid is an unsympathetic figure, and is always already a questionable candidate for ‘citizenship’ as it is commonly understood. Furthermore, his (sic) original ‘cosmopolitan’ act suggests that, although the ‘cosmopolitan ideal’ is the achievement of a citizenship that transcends or escapes borders, the cosmopolitical must nevertheless be assigned value in order to be ethically intelligible.     

Terrorism,anti-terrorism and the normative boundaries of the US polity: The spatiality of politics after 11 September 2001

Both terrorism and governmental anti-terrorist actions affect spatial structures and their boundaries, such as the state and the distinction between public and private spaces. Those spatial structures also articulate the normative dimensions of human life, which include the ethical principles and constitutional rights that orient behaviour and thought. By affecting the spaces, places and scales of life, (anti-)terrorism potentially can generate a new normativity. A new normativity would be manifested in changes to spatial structures and thereby would indicate that the content of political rights like personal freedom had been changed in practice. This paper addresses the possible emergence of a new normativity via an examination of how spatial structures are affected—specifically, their permeability and plasticity—by terrorist and anti-terrorist activities within a US context.     

Political Marketing Research in the 2000 U.S. Election

Abstract

It is not news that polls and other forms of marketing research are regularly employed to craft political strategy. What is new is that the 2000 U.S. election represented a turning point where political marketing research seems to take center stage. The print and broadcast media employed polls and other forms of research at levels far beyond anything ever seen before. At times, it appeared as if almost as much attention was being given to polls as was being given to the political candidates and the issues. This was clearly a new and important posturing of the role of political marketing research. With this as a backdrop, the current article compares polls and other forms of political research-focusing on what went wrong and what was right in terms of the use of polls, focus groups and Internet research during the 2000 U.S. election. The article ends with the presentation of some exploratory research that examines insights about respondents' opinions regarding the impact of political polls.     

The Legal Obligations of Albania in the Stabilization and Association Agreement Between Albania and EU

The purpose of this article is to discuss the legal effects of the preliminary agreement between Albania and EU （European Union） on the EU and on the Albanian national legal system. The topic is ＂The Legal Obligations of Albania in the SAA （Stabilization and Association Agreement） With EU＂, and the purpose is to address the issue of harmonization and application of the obligation in the most effective way regarding the EU legislation. The method used is systematic, comparative and teleological analysis of the European and national legal systems and inherent principles and reflection on the ways of integration and coordination between them. At first the sources and features of the EU legal system will be presented. Then the application of these principles in preliminary and pre-accession agreement and through them their influence over the EU and over the national legal system of the pre-accession states will be presented. The contribution will be to argue that the preliminary agreement between EU and Albania creates legal effects both on the EU and on the national legal system of the pre-accessions countries. Their lull and effective application will be the duty of national court and legislators.     

网络涉腐舆情的监督优势及科学化管理

网络涉腐舆情的形成是一个动态过程,具有敏感诱发性、随意偶发性、主观猜测性、虚拟隐匿性等特点,表达了民众对公权公正、廉洁的政治诉求。网络涉腐舆情具有高效高质监督、保护参与个体安全等优势,同时也存在网络暴力倾向、规范性合法性不足等问题。要加强网络反腐的法律法规建设,逐步建立政府及时回应机制和政府、网络与传统媒体的合作机制,完善网络涉腐舆情信息工作体系,加强对网民和网站的培育监督,以实现对网络涉腐舆情的科学化管理。     

胡锦涛的团结观论析

胡锦涛的团结观建构在马克思主义团结观的基础之上,是对毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民团结思想的继承和发展,是凝聚人心、完成执政使命的必然。从"斗争思维"向"合作思维"的转变是胡锦涛团结观的逻辑前提,胡锦涛重视团结意识的强化,主张"建设和谐社会",用中国特色社会主义伟大事业凝聚人心、增进共识、促进团结。当下,胡锦涛的团结观有着重要的启示。     

民事调解检察监督的若干问题思考

民事调解检察监督制度的确立是我国司法体制以及检察监督体制逐步完善迈开的重一步,如何正确有效行使检察监督职能,成为当前不容忽视的课题。文章从民事调解检察监督必性、原则、范围、方式、困境五个方面探讨调解检察监督,以期进一步落实和完善相关法律制度。     

我国社区矫正立法述评

当前,我国社区矫正立法已取得一定进展,主要表现在正式确立了社区矫正制度,细化了社区矫正的适用条件,加强了对社区矫正人员的监督管理,强化了检察机关对于社区矫正过程的监督。但是,仍然存在明显不足,如社区矫正的主要法律渊源地位尴尬,社区矫正执行机关尚未明确,社区矫正对象存在争议,相关称谓混乱,再社会化内容缺失与不足,社区矫正奖惩种类缺乏统一的规范等等,需要进一步通过立法予以完善。     

The International Criminal Court and the Darfur crimes: The dilemma of peace and supra-national criminal justice

ABSTRACT

The supra-national criminal prosecution by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of the alleged crimes committed in Darfur raises critical legal and conceptual issues. This article addresses the dilemma of peace, justice and reconciliation from a legal perspective, as well as the justice options that are available. The article also assesses the Sudan's criminal and military laws (both at the substantive and procedural levels) in terms of the country's ability to prosecute international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. In this respect, the article argues that these laws fall short of international criminal law standards and principles – particularly the amendments introduced after the United Nations Security Council referred the Darfur situation to the ICC. The article critically examines the Sudan government's policy of non-engagement, which ultimately led to supra-national criminal prosecution (represented by the ICC intervention under the complementarity principle of the Rome Statute). Finally, the article interrogates the report issued by the African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur (AUPD), and evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of its recommendations.