解释宪政:辛亥革命的制度论与文化论之辩

辛亥革命是中国宪政史上的转捩点,它瓦解了传统的帝国,却没能顺利完成新的民族国家建构;它组建了共和政体,却没有带来共和与民主。与其说是传统文化阻碍了宪政的生长,不如说是迷信西方模式所造成的苦果。革命派和立宪派的争论,背后实际上隐喻着制度论与文化论的分野;在是否应当学习西方的问题上,它们既相通又冲突。只有将制度论的理性建构与文化论的经验累积有机统一起来,才能达致宪政的坦途。     

Remembering Mao Zedong

正The nation commemorates the contributions of New China’s founding father Mao Zedong,a man whose name is inseparable with the birth of the People’s Republic of China(PRC),has long been regarded as a symbol of the Chinese Communist Revolution.Now,his lasting influence has been reaffirmed through his 120th anniversary.     

国家治理体系现代化视域下的行政组织立法

国家治理体系的主体包括中国共产党、国家机关、社会组织和公民,行政组织是主要的主体,而中国共产党是国家治理的领导力量。国家治理体系的现代化,政府现化代是关键,法治化是保障。在治理视域下,行政组织法不再仅是政府内部的结构法,而是包括协调党政群关系、体现共同治理的治理主体法。从优化组织结构,体现党政群协调共治出发,积极回应国家治理现化化对行政组织的要求,通过行政组织立法明确行政组织的职权范围,将中央与地方的关系、部门和地方间的横向协作关系法律化,确立社会组织的行政主体地位,为党委领导、政府负责、社会协同、全民参与的治理体系提供法治保障。     

Innovation in Communication and Media Studies: Reflections from South African Academics

Abstract

This article discusses the possibility of a discipline of communication and media studies that is innovative, pluralistic and open in ways that conduce to development. Based on a set of in-depth interviews with a select group of South African communication and media studies scholars, the article discusses critically how, and if, communication and media studies as a field is innovative. Innovation here talks to a discipline that is imaginatively open to a myriad of different, diverse and divergent contributions relevant to the human endeavour of understanding the world in ways that better humanity. In doing this, the authors critically explore how the discipline is perceived variously by the scholars interviewed as enabling, encompassing and embodying innovation in research, teaching, curricula, theory, methodology, resourcing, and community outreach. As such the article addresses a span of issues that either support or inhibit innovation.     

The Russian Revolution at 100: the Soviet experience in the mirror of permanent counterrevolution

Abstract

The Russian Revolution is analysed in this paper in the context of a conjuncture dominated by counterrevolution. Beginning with the repression of the 1850s, a process of permanent counterrevolution has become the over-determining trend of social-political history. The Russian Revolution was subject to several distinct aspects of this process. First was external counterrevolution, the attack on it from the outside. Whilst Anglo-America was the main bulwark organising it, the Nazi/fascist counterrevolution and invasion of the USSR was an example of counterrevolution that ran out of control and ended in a defeat in Europe that was only overcome through a long and risky Cold War. Internal counterrevolution affected the Russian Revolution as part of a longer process of adjusting socialist theory to successive defeats. In the Soviet case, Socialism in One Country was the decisive mutation in this respect and must be viewed as the decisive component of the triumph of counterrevolution. After the war, Anglo-America adjusted the counterrevolutionary strategy to surgical excisions of socialist tendencies until the USSR, isolated and ideologically exhausted, collapsed. Even so, several of its legacies continue to be relevant, notably the nationality policy and internationalism. Also, today’s information revolution casts a new light on the Soviet planning experience that must be studied now that capitalism is slipping into a systemic crisis.     

政治统一、支持监督与协商治理:中国新型政党制度的优势

中国新型政党制度是保持国家政治统一、实现权力有效监督制约和实践协商民主政治的重要制度载体.中国新型政党制度的优势主要体现在通过聚合性的政党制度结构,保持了超大规模国家的政治统一;通过非竞争支持型的政党监督模式,初步实现了政党之间的权力监督;通过多党合作和政治协商,实现了包容互惠发展导向的协商民主治理.新时代坚持和完善中国新型政党制度,需要通过制度改进和完善,进一步发挥中国新型政党制度的优势,促进国家治理现代化的实现.     

Institutional journalism in a revolutionary crisis: the press as an aide to the Muslim Brotherhood 2011–2012

This article is based on the hypothesis that the Egyptian institutional media played an active role in the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ revolution in 2011 and analyzes how Egypt's official newspapers constructed and presented a moderate and positive image of the Muslim Brotherhood (hereinafter the Brotherhood) despite the fact that they had labeled the Brotherhood ‘the outlawed movement’ a year earlier. In order to examine whether their attitudes changed after the downfall of the Mubarak regime, a critical discourse analysis of newspaper texts has been made of the news columns written throughout 2011 of two of the most popular Egyptian newspapers – al-Ahram (n = 115) and al-Gumhuriyya (n = 94) both of which identify with the Egyptian government's official policy. In addition, an analysis made of three of the Brotherhood's publications (n = 72) (N = 281) revealed that the Brotherhood exploited the printed media not only to replace the regime but also to gain control of its narrative. Ultimately, by controlling the shaping of public opinion, the media contributed to the drawing of a parallel between the motivation that formed the basis of the mass protest and the Brotherhood's agenda.     

中国行政体制改革的进展及其重点

当前中国的行政体制改革,在推进行政审批制度改革、商事制度改革、政务公开、政府重大决策科学化民主化和法治化、政府工作的第三方评估和社会评价、公正有效地提供公共产品和公共服务、地方政府的权力和责任清单制度改革、公车制度改革、公务员职务与职级并行制度改革、贯彻中央八项规定深入反腐倡廉等十个方面,取得了显著进展。推及未来“,十三五”期间的中国行政体制改革将重点围绕推动简政放权、放管结合、优化服务改革向纵深发展,大力推行“互联网+政务服务”、推进政府信息化建设,推进大部制改革、优化行政层级和行政区划设置,推进事业单位制度改革,加快和加大力度建设“四个政府”,推进政府廉洁履职和反腐败斗争,坚决处理为官不为、克服庸政懒政怠政,推进国家治理体系现代化,提升国家治理能力,加快各项行政制度的更加成熟定型等十个任务展开。     

国民革命时期的宋庆龄与妇女运动

宋庆龄在国民革命时期的妇女运动中扮演着重要的角色,是这一时期妇女运动的参与者、推动者,更是国共两党开展妇女运动的融合者。1925年孙中山逝世后,宋庆龄独立参政,利用自己特殊的地位和卓越的政治能力,为妇女运动的推进作出了贡献。正是因为有宋庆龄这样的杰出女性,才使得近代以来中国的女权运动主要由男性精英指导与推动的局限得以突破。她以女性领袖的身份激励妇女追求男女平等,实现妇女参政议政,将中国的妇女运动与国民革命的潮流融合,打破了原来孤立而有限的争取男女平等的运动。     

Portuguese Citizens’ Support for Democracy: 40 Years after the Carnation Revolution

Abstract

Forty years after the Carnation Revolution, the relatively young Portuguese democracy is experiencing dramatically low levels of public specific support for democracy. This article tests the leverage of demand-side and supply-side accounts to explain differentials in public satisfaction with democracy. Through ordinary least squares regression analyses that draw on the unique data of the ‘Barometer 40 Years of Democracy in Portugal (2014)’, this articles shows that age cohort, identification with extreme parties, evaluation of the country’s political past, and economic performance are strong correlates of citizens’ specific support for democracy.