Environmental Stressors and Food Security in China

This article considers the immediate forces influencing China’s food system and food security. By immediate is meant events of the reform period, from the late 1970s to 2008. It begins by asking the question that has preoccupied specialists since the publication of Lester Brown’s Who Will Feed China? in 1995: How much arable land does China have? Is that land area sufficient to insure grain sufficiency? To insure food security? The article focuses on the human pressures on the food production environment, and then treats the effects of socioeconomic change: land, air, and water degradation. The core of the article examines six responses of the state to both perceived and actual environmental stressors: policy restricting arable land conversion, China’s one-child policy, investment in irrigation systems, the South–North Water Diversion Project, large-scale afforestation and reforestation campaigns, and the program to convert marginal agricultural lands to forests and grasslands.     

谈网民责任意识的培养

网络的开放性使得网民表达的自由程度前所未有的伸张,引发了网民对于网络的热情,这种热情促进了网络的发展,但网络的健康发展,不仅需要网民的热情,更需要网民能担负起责任,具备恰如其分的判断力,正确履行网络赋予的自主表达权力,使互联网成为网民共建共享的精神家园。     

区域合作、利益协调与机制设计——基于泛珠三角与东盟跨边界次区域经济合作的研究

在区域经济利益协调机制的建设进程中,政府是推动区域合作的组织机制,具有内生动力功能的是市场机制.在泛珠三角和东盟区域经济合作处于初始阶段的约束条件下,评价和激励机制对象应该主要针对区域合作中的地方政府,如果缺乏政府间的协调机制,市场经济的利益最大化和资源配置规律决定双方区域经济合作的发展结局可能是差异性发展和掠夺性竞争.促进泛珠三角与东盟的区域经济合作,必须注意避免无序竞争,扩大区域市场范围,确立利益协调机制与政府规制的边界,从而降低区域交易成本.与此同时,尤其需要制定与实施带有路径依赖性质的制度安排:规则约束机制、信息合作机制、绩效激励机制、利益补偿机制.     

1989-2029年大转型——可以更好或将会更好吗?

本文对中东欧国家自1989年以来发生的后社会主义制度转型进行了理论和现实的阐释,考察了其历史特性,批驳了该地区已经在制度上成为完全成熟的市场经济体的论点,而认为中东欧国家在转型方面还有很长的路要走.文章强调,后社会主义市场转型进程不会呈直线型发展.在现实社会主义经济体的市场改革与后社会主义市场转型之间存在着巨大差异.只有在更加精确地确定目标,同时不是将制度转型当作是自我实现的目标的前提下,不同国家在不同程度上才会取得更好的转型绩效,否则会朝相反方向发展.     

社会工作者提升青少年自尊的策略——基于生态系统理论的分析

个体在青春期的发展任务是建立良好的自我同一性,而自尊的高低对于青少年自我概念和自我认同的形成起着关键作用。因此,社会工作者开展青少年服务的重点是帮助青少年提升自尊感。生态系统理论作为社工介入的理论依据,强调社工要以整体的视角分析问题,从个体与周围环境的互动入手,使服务对象与其所处的系统之间达到平衡协调。在实务工作中,社工可以从微观系统、中间系统、外部系统和宏观系统等多个层面进行干预,协助青少年提升个体自尊,强化其社会适应能力。     

从韩国传统公私观看其近代民族国家建设问题

现代民族国家诞生于欧洲的特殊历史背景下,其背后是民族主义的竞争逻辑,因此它亦拥有巨大的国家动员能力。近代时期,东亚三国之要务在于建成现代民族国家以抵御外侮,但唯有日本获得成功,中韩两国均遭遇重大挫折。思想观念上的一个重要原因在于中韩两国与日本传统公私观的不同。在思想与政治上受到中国巨大影响的朝鲜王朝,其超越狭隘民族意识的儒家"天下为公"思想使其在现代民族国家和现代国际体系的竞争逻辑面前表现出诸多不适应。但这种看似具有时代局限性的普遍主义思想,或许却能够为解决今天东亚地区的各种悬案提供一些思想资源,成为新的国际关系形态的指导精神。     

CCTV监控系统、犯罪预防与虚拟侦查

侦查工作的信息化是虚拟侦查得以展开的必要条件,在信息的采集和使用领域,CCTV监控系统对于虚拟侦查具有不可低估的重要作用。通过制定规范的CCTV监控程序,建立有效的内部和外部监督制约机制,能够确保CCTV监控系统得到合法、有效地运用,并且避免公民的隐私权遭到不应有的侵犯。     

企业与利益相关者关系的重新定位——基于哈贝马斯对话伦理的研究

企业与利益相关者关系的理论分析主要集于工具性视角与规范性视角.工具性视角以经济绩效为追求,由于未更好地嵌入规范的社会理论当中,其目的虽明确但方向却不然.规范性视角以阐明企业经营中利益相关者参与的应然内涵为己任,其超然的独白角色难免冷落的际遇.利益相关者的实践模式亦须超越.藉由对话伦理的分析,为重新定位和探索企业与利益相关者的关系提供了新机遇,无论是对利益相关者理论的理路承接,还是对既有命题的逻辑阐释,都显示较强的逻辑自洽性.进一步,由此构建的对话实现框架,为企业经营实践提供了新参照.这些都为进一步反思当前企业社会责任的若干问题给予了深刻警醒.     

Is a Federal European Constitution for an Enlarged European Union Necessary? Some Preliminary Suggestions using Public Choice Analysis

In order to guarantee a further successful functioning of the enlarged European Union a Federal European Constitution is proposed. Six basic elements of a future European federal constitution are developed: the European commission should be turned into a European government and the European legislation should consist of a two chamber system with full responsibility over all federal items. Three further key elements are the subsidiarity principle, federalism and the secession right, which are best suited to limiting the domain of the central European authority to which certain tasks are given, such as defense, foreign and environmental policy. Another important feature is direct democracy, which provides the possibility for European voters to participate actively in political decision making, to break political and interest group cartels, and to prevent an unwanted shifting of responsibilities from EU member states to the European federal level.     

Enacting Oblivion

After periods of major political change, incoming regimes have often declared “acts of oblivion” in which courts and sometimes citizens are commanded to forget what happened under the preceding regime. But how are courts and citizens supposed to obey this command? Must they not remember what it is they are commanded to forget? If so, obedience is only possible at the price of disobedience. This paper suggests this paradox raises important issues about the concept of memory. It argues that in order to understand acts of oblivion we need to distinguish between two aspects of memory: the cognitive, concerned with the transmission of information, and the conative, concerned with the transmission of will and affect. This distinction provides a way of avoiding the more overtly paradoxical features of acts of oblivion. However, there remain significant difficulties facing the political project of forgetting.