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271.
行政主体内部的管理体制,使得听证者和决定者在形式上必然是分离的。由决定者必须听证发展到听证者必须决定,再发展到案卷排他,才使得听证者和决定者达到完美的统一。而且案卷排他,通过案卷这个"隔音空间",使得机关决定和行政首长的个人决定也达到了完美的统一。最后,案卷排他,通过政策、经验和专业考量等裁量因素的入卷,使得行政首长最后的决定程序也变成了看得见的程序。  相似文献   
272.
The U.S. House of Representatives has one of the oldest pools of politicians in the world today: the average member of the House is 58 years at the time of their election, which is about 20 years older than the average American. But why are younger adults scarce among these representatives? Here we trace the relative absence of youth in both the primary and general elections of 2020 using a supply and demand framework. Our study finds that (1) the average candidate is much older than the average citizen and (2) young candidates perform less well than older candidates in both primaries and general elections. These results suggest that youth are disadvantaged because the two main parties do not nominate enough younger adults as candidates for winnable and safe seats. Young adults also seem to be disadvantaged indirectly at the electoral stage because they lack electoral capital (experience in running for and holding office) and tend to suffer strongly from the incumbency advantage of their opponents. We infer from these findings that barring reforms to rules governing minimum candidate ages and term limits, the under-representation of youth in U.S. national-level politics will continue for the foreseeable future.  相似文献   
273.
The relationship between votes and seats in the legislature lies at the heart of democratic governance. However, there has been little previous work on the downstream effects of partisan gerrymandering on the health of political parties. In this study, we conduct a comprehensive examination of the impact of partisan advantage in the districting process on an array of downstream outcomes. We find that districting bias impedes numerous party functions at both the congressional and state house levels. Candidates are less likely to contest districts when their party is disadvantaged by a districting plan. Candidates that do choose to run are more likely to have weak resumes. Donors are less willing to contribute money. And ordinary voters are less apt to support the targeted party. These results suggest that gerrymandering has long-term effects on the health of the democratic process beyond simply costing or gaining parties seats in the legislature.  相似文献   
274.
第111-115届国会期间(2009—2018),美国国会涉台立法进入了一个新阶段,其提出涉台法案的核心诉求与上一个十年相比,立法意图更加具有指向性——服务于美国对华战略,分别紧随奥巴马政府的“亚太再平衡战略”和特朗普政府的“印太战略”两大主题。美国国会在相关法案中核心诉求主要包括:强化与台湾的“军事关系”、促进提升美台关系实质、协助台湾争取“国际生存空间”。美国国会涉台立法产生了多方面的破坏性影响,一方面,对美国政府的涉台政策施加了“刚性”约束力,严重损害了中国的核心利益,增加了中国政府解决台湾问题的难度;另一方面,这些涉台法案助长了“台独”分裂活动,破坏了中美新型大国关系的构建。  相似文献   
275.
This article investigates how members of US Congress legitimized their votes in four cases of military interventions after the Cold War (Iraq 1991, 2002–2009; Somalia 1993; Libya 2011). Using an original dataset on congressional rhetoric, the qualitative content analysis highlights that the domestic legitimization of military interventions hinges on members of Congress’s perception of external threats and national interests. So far, international relations research focused on the executive and the war powers literature offered mainly quantitative accounts on voting patterns within the legislative branch―especially for the US case. The relevance of national interest arguments within congressional debates confirms the expectations of neoclassical realism while contradicting previous studies about a dominant discourse in US society, which legitimizes interventions with universal values, such as democracy promotion or human rights.  相似文献   
276.
Agenda-setting scholars have claimed that the typical punctuated pattern of governmental attention is a consequence of disproportionate information processing. Yet these claims remain unsubstantiated. We tackle this challenge by considering mass media coverage as a source of information for political actors and by examining the relationship between preceding media information and subsequent governmental attention. Employing data capturing U.S. media attention and congressional hearings (1996–2006), we find that the effects of media attention on congressional attention are conditioned by the presence of “media storms”—sudden and large surges in media attention to a given topic. A one-story increase in media attention has a greater effect on congressional attention in the context of a media storm, since media storms surpass a key threshold for catching policymakers’ attention. We find evidence that the influence of media attention on political attention is nonlinear; agenda-setting operates differently when the media are in storm mode.  相似文献   
277.
The 2014 elections were widely viewed as a referendum on the presidency of Barack Obama. Republicans ran against the incumbent president, and many view the Republican Party's victories in 2014 as a mass rejection of President Obama's policies. We argue that this account of the 2014 elections is incomplete. We advance the theory of racial spillover—that associating an attitude object with President Obama causes public opinion to polarize on the basis of racial attitudes—to explain both vote choice and referendum voting in the 2014 elections. In an analysis of the CCES and an original survey, we show that congressional vote choice was strongly racialized in 2014. We go on to show that perceptions of the election as a referendum on President Obama were also racialized, and that these perceptions mediated the link between racial animus and 2014 congressional vote choice. This represents the first study to show that racialized congressional evaluations continued into 2014 and we provide direct evidence that attitudes about President Obama mediated the effect of racial animus on congressional vote choice. We conclude by discussing the implications for referendum voting, racial spillover, and the 2014 midterm elections.  相似文献   
278.
中国共产党高度重视收入分配问题,通过对收入分配问题的系统审视,形成了党对收入分配的总体认识.基于党的十二大至十九大的报告,对改革开放40多年来党对收入分配问题总体认识的演进过程进行梳理可以看出,党对收入分配问题总体认识的演进经历了"主体论""主体—补充论""主体—并存论""重点论""双同步论"等阶段.党对收入分配问题总...  相似文献   
279.
简论全国人大及其常委会的表决制度   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
本文对表决原则、方式、法定人数、计算基准等我国现行的全国人大及其常委会的表决制度进行了分析 ,提出了一些学术上的个人见解。  相似文献   
280.
维护职工权益是工会的基本职责,民主管理是维护职工权益、表达和反映职工诉求的渠道。北京市疾病预防控制中心从第一届职工代表大会开始建立职工代表提案制度。随着民主制度的不断健全与完善,职工群众参政议政的积极性越来越高,也就更加关心职工代表提案的有效落实。  相似文献   
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