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351.
我们党要始终代表中国先进社会生产力发展要求是一个马克思主义的科学论断。我们党的历史 ,归根到底就是为解放和发展中国社会生产力不懈奋斗的历史。落实代表中国先进社会生产力的发展要求 :第一 ,必须坚持以经济建设为中心 ,始终把发展社会生产力作为根本任务放在首要地位 ;第二 ,必须坚持社会主义的改革开放 ,为发展社会生产力不断注入新的动力 ;第三 ,必须大力实施科教兴国战略 ,开发和用好人才资源 ;第四 ,必须正确处理改革、发展、稳定的关系 ,为生产力的发展创造良好的社会政治环境 ;第五 ,必须全心全意依靠工人阶级 ,充分激发人民群众的历史主动性和创造精神  相似文献   
352.
深入学习贯彻十七大精神是我们当前和今后一个时期的首要政治任务。我们必须充分认识党的十七大的重大意义,迅速掀起学习贯彻十七大精神的热潮。我们要全面准确地领会十七大的精神实质,深刻领会十七大的主题和十七大提出的重大理论观点、重大战略思想、重大战略目标、重大战略部署与重大方针政策。学习十七大精神要注意做到五个把握:一要学习全文,系统把握;二要正确理解,准确把握;三要全面领会,重点把握;四要深入研讨,精深把握;五要突出主题,科学把握。同时,要充分发挥党校的作用,扎扎实实做好十七大精神的学习、宣传和贯彻落实。  相似文献   
353.
20世纪80年代以来,美国国会通过涉华立法对美国对华政策施加了重要影响。其中,美国国会在年度拨款案中附加了相当数量的涉华法,其内容涉及对华安全防范和出口管制、涉台和涉藏事务、人权等领域。这些涉华条款对中国核心利益和中美关系产生了不容忽视的消极影响。  相似文献   
354.
ABSTRACT

The EU’s relations with countries in the Southern Mediterranean have a long history as the region is of great strategic importance for the Union and its member states. The High Representatives of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy have been highly involved in shaping these relations, and this role has been officially strengthened with institutional changes brought about with the Lisbon Treaty. This article analyses the role of the HR/VPs in shaping the EU's foreign and security policy towards the region with an analytical focus on discursive practice. Drawing on insights from practice theory in IR and EU studies, the analysis traces continuity and change in how the Southern Mediterranean is described in the drafting of key strategic documents. The main finding is that EU foreign and security policy towards the Southern Mediterranean shows a high degree of continuity despite several crises and institutional changes, although the discursive practices have evolved. The article ends by highlighting a conundrum that the EU can be said to implicitly acknowledge: if authoritarian states in the Southern Mediterranean are inherently unstable, yet stable enough to quench the democratic aspirations of their people, then what should be the basis for EU actions?  相似文献   
355.
Public policy is produced by elected and unelected officials and through the interactions of branches of government. We consider how such interactions affect policy implementation and representation. We argue that legislators try to influence bureaucratic decisions through direct communication with federal agencies, and that such contact is effective and has consequences for policy outcomes. We provide empirical evidence of this argument using original data about direct communication between members of Congress and the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) along with decisions made by the DOL regarding trade and redistributive policies. We find that direct contacts influence DOL decisions, and the agency is more likely to reverse previous decisions when requested to do so by legislators. Our results challenge key assumptions and findings in the previous literature and have important implications for interbranch relations and informal means of control over the implementation of national policy.  相似文献   
356.
ABSTRACT

Despite a growing “momentum” on European Union (EU) security and defence, there are no academic analyses that aim to systematically assess the role of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the European Commission (HR/VP) in these strategic domains. This is surprising given that the HR/VP is one of the central actors in the complex institutional architecture of EU security and defence. To fill this gap in the scholarly literature and to contribute to a more fine-grained analysis of the two post-Lisbon Treaty HR/VPs, the article assesses Ashton and Mogherini’s mandates in these fields. This study is particularly relevant because the HR/VP’s hybrid institutional role may represent a unique analytical angle to investigate a formally intergovernmental sector, strongly shaped also by EU institutions’ authority over defence-industrial policy. Following these considerations, the article looks at how the two HR/VPs managed to navigate both the military and the defence-industrial dimensions of EU security and defence.  相似文献   
357.
在西方经济学视阈中,市场经济与个人主义、私有制度具有天然合一的特性,其内含"经济人""无形之手—放任自由信仰""效率—公平互抵"等充满争议的理论假设。其中的"经济人"假设在某种意义上可以被视为这个假设体系的基础和理论质点。亚当·斯密在《国富论》中对此作出了最早且明确的阐述,之后,由约翰·穆勒将之归结为"经济人"假设,帕累托进而将"经济人"概念引入西方经济学理论视阈中。"经济人"假设认定私有制经济符合人类最为"真实和唯一"的本性——利己性,在"看不见的手"牵引之下,自私的本性及私有制经济将最大化地促进人类社会整体利益,这个理论杠杆有力地撬起了功利主义维度的市场经济道德支柱,并论证了市场经济与私有制相融合的天然合理性。文章首先对"经济人"假设与私有制经济作出批判性考察,尝试把这两个因素与市场经济剥离开,并将市场经济还原为一种社会经济资源配置的方式和机制,接着分别对作为"过渡阶段"社会主义的历史局限性与公有制经济高绩效命题及其历史实践作出辨析,对社会主义公有制经济与市场经济必然相遇而且能够相容的问题作出了肯定性回答,而这也彻底消除了十八届三中全会"使市场在资源配置中起决定性作用"的命题中可能蕴涵和产生"公有制经济将逐渐被私有制经济所取代"的疑虑。  相似文献   
358.
行政信访改革成为近几年我国政治体制改革中的热门话题.目前大多数学者认为我国可以移植申诉专员制度改革行政信访,并提出了人大信访委员会模式.申诉专员制度拥有许多优点,但好的制度不代表是适宜的制度.在对其进行一番冷思考后,申诉专员制度与我国的政体和人民代表大会制度存在着诸多冲突.该制度的移植不仅在原则上不被允许,即使改造后引进,在现行制度结构下的改革效果也十分有限.分解行政信访功能,弱化直至废除纠纷解决功能,解决行政信访功能错位的现实问题,才是符合我国国情的行政信访改革路径.  相似文献   
359.
While most common-space estimations rely upon members who served in both the House and Senate as “bridges” to scale the remaining members, this assumes that these “bridge members” do not change their preferences when they change chambers. Such an assumption conflicts with standard notions of representation, that is, that legislators’ votes reflect (at least to some degree) the wishes of their constituents. We examine the constancy of this common-space voting assumption by focusing on a subset of House members who move to the Senate: those who come from statewide House districts. Using these members as the bridge actors—and thus bridging by constituency explicitly—in a one-dimensional item response theory model, we find that the standard assumption of chamber switchers in common-space estimations is technically, but immaterially, false. While there are statistically distinguishable differences in House and Senate voting records for chamber switchers, they are not sufficiently large to meaningfully undermine bridging.  相似文献   
360.
马家曦 《法学家》2020,(3):126-140,195
申请执行的非实体权利归属主体构成执行程序的形式当事人,但执行当事人适格的判断,既涉及执行力的形式外观,也涉及实体正当性,需要结合适用类型予以限定,以避免对债务人双重执行。参照大陆法系"执行担当"的学说、判例以及我国实务情况,可以根据当事人、主文两项执行依据的记载要素加以判断:诉讼担当人申请执行原则上合法,股东代表诉讼的股东虽然可以启动执行,但无权受领给付;代表人诉讼的当事人执行被代表人利益目前并不适宜;对于让与未构成诉讼担当时的当事人申请执行,则可能丧失实体适格,但可以通过与受让人约定保留"收取"权能以补正。在"执行担当"与"承继执行"形成债权竞争关系时,须限定受让人举证权的同时完善诉讼救济。  相似文献   
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