Parliamentary Rule: The US Senate Parliamentarian and Institutional Constraints on Legislator Behaviour

This article analyses the extent to which institutional rules constrain member behaviour in the United States Senate by examining the evolution of its parliamentarian. Interestingly, the US Senate parliamentarian has received surprisingly little scholarly attention given the important role she performs in the legislative process. The subsequent analysis thus provides a new understanding of the parliamentarian's role in the legislative process and the interplay between institutional rules and member behaviour in the Senate. To this end, the following analysis is situated within the context of the two primary theoretical approaches to understanding how institutional rules constrain member behaviour: path dependency and majoritarianism. These contrasting approaches provide expectations about the extent to which members will defer to the parliamentarian's interpretation of Senate rules rather than exercising their own discretionary control over those rules. Examining the evolving relationship between the parliamentarian and individual members affirms the centrality of institutional rules as a constraint on member behaviour over the past several decades. Yet such an examination also yields two surprising, and potentially contradictory, observations. First, individual senators in both parties have increasingly deferred to the parliamentarian to interpret the Senate's rules. This is surprising given that the Senate has simultaneously become more individualistic, partisan, and ideological over the same period. Second, the majority party has recently disregarded the norm of parliamentary constraint reflected in past practice and demonstrated a willingness to ignore Senate rules when doing so was necessary to achieve legislative success. This could signify a potential shift in how majorities view the constraints imposed by Senate rules if current trends of legislative dysfunction continue.     

坚持和完善我国的人民代表大会制度

人民代表大会制度是我国的根本政治制度.它作为一种权力配置和运作的形式,有着与西方权力制衡模式截然不同的自我特色,充分、高效地体现了人民当家作主的理念,渐进有序地发展人民民主,有利于实现党的领导.党的领导是人大制度健康发展的根本保证.加强党的领导就必须改善党对人大的领导,这是改革和完善党的领导方式、执政方式的一项重要任务.     

关于建设学习型政党的思考

重视学习、善于学习是中国共产党的光荣传统。党的十六大提出要建设全民学习、终身学习的学习型社会,这对我们党的学习提出了新的要求,也为建设学习型政党提供了良好的契机。建设学习型政党,是新世纪党的建设面临的一项崭新而又重大的课题。本文对建设学习型政党的必然性和重要性以及如何建设学习型政党,作了初步探讨。     

党的十六大报告中的社会主义政治经济学

党的十六大报告为社会主义政治经济学的进一步丰富和发展提供了依据,指明了方向。社会主义政治经济学必须把社会主义的经济发展作为主要研究对象,把“公有制为主体、多种所有制经济共同发展”这一基本经济制度作为研究的主要内容,把“走新型工业化道路”作为重要研究课题。社会主义政治经济学要研究“扩大中等收入者比重”,形成较合理的收入分配结构问题;研究调整国有经济布局和结构,改革国有资产管理体制问题;研究坚持社会主义市场经济的改革方向,建立和完善现代市场体系问题。     

从香港"无证儿童案"看基本法的解释权

1999年1月29日,香港终审法院对港人在内地所生子女在港的居留权案(又称“无证儿童案”)作出判决。引起很大的争议,争执的焦点是基本法的解释权问题。本文通过对基本法的解释权问题的阐述,指出其存在的一些立法不足。     

论美国国会的弹劾权

弹劾权是美国国会拥有的最少使用却最令人生畏的防止政府行政和司法部门滥用职权的重要制约手段。美国国会的弹劾权是美国宪法制定者对英国弹劾制度和北美殖民地弹劾实践予以继承和发展的产物。美国二百多年来的弹劾实践赋予了弹劾权丰富的内涵 ,显示了其重要的历史作用 ,同时也暴露了其弊端和局限性。     

Do leaders matter? Chinese politics,leadership transition and the 17th Party Congress

The opaque nature of decision making in China has generated considerable interest in the internecine machinations of elite politics. Particularly, but not only, when it comes to issues of leadership transition, considerations of factional formation and conflict come to the fore. This is partly to explain the transition process itself, but also out of concern for how new leaders might change the direction of Chinese policy. This paper suggests that whilst leaders and leadership changes do matter, they matter less than they once did. This is partly a result of the de-ideologicization and increasing diverse nature of elite interests and group formation. But it is also partly a result of the changed nature of China's political economy; in short, there is less desire and less ability for new leaders to impose a clear paradigm shift.     

从股东代表诉讼看股东代表仲裁

《公司法》明确引入了股东代表诉讼,使适格股东可以在公司受到损害时寻求司法的保护。而《民事案件案由规定》将股东代表诉讼列为专门的案由更是实现了该诉讼由纸面至实践的完美转身。但对股东代表仲裁,除了个别学者在公司法著作中轻描淡写带过之外,无论是司法机构还是仲裁机构均没有回应。本文从美国股东代表仲裁的演变出发,针对我国股东代表诉讼的现状,论述了我国股东代表仲裁的可行性,并进而引申出如何在公司经营中运用股东代表仲裁以及运用过程中应注意的问题。     

全面推进依法治国进程的新起点——学习党的十八大报告有关“依法治国”论述的一点体会

全面推进依法治国,要把宪法的实施放在特别重要的地位。要不断提高领导干部运用法治思维和法治方式深化改革、推动发展、化解矛盾、维护稳定的能力,要全面落实依法治国基本方略,法治政府基本建成,司法公信力不断提高,人权得到切实尊重和保障,我国的民主制度更加完善,民主形式更加丰富。     

十六大以来“建设社会主义新农村”综述

十六大以来建设社会主义新农村经过了三个阶段：十六大至十六届五中全会的酝酿阶段,提出为全面建设小康社会而奋斗,把解决好＂三农＂问题作为全党工作的重中之重;十六届五中全会至十七大之前的系统阐发和整体部署阶段,提出把建设社会主义新农村作为全面建设小康社会、推进社会主义现代化的一大战略任务;十七大之后理论和实践的发展阶段,提出建设社会主义新农村、走中国特色农业现代化道路、加快形成城乡经济社会发展一体化新格局三个方面相互配合、协调推进。