ANC foreign policy making during the Mbeki period: More democratic or less?

The African National Congress, as an entity distinct from government, served during the 1994–2008 period as an independent forum for debate about South Africa's foreign policy, particularly in the National Executive Committee's Subcommittee on International Relations. This debate retained the oligarchic character of the movement in exile, with few voices – Thabo Mbeki's most prominent among them – dominating the discussion, inputs from subnational party structures almost non-existent, and dissenters expected to keep quiet publicly. That said, participants in these discussions largely dismissed characterisations of Mbeki as a dictator in the foreign policy debate, noting that the predominance of his views stemmed mostly from his strong argumentation and knowledge rather than bullying. Senior ANC leaders also claimed that limited interest in foreign policy, outside of national party structures, hindered efforts to broaden participation in foreign policy formulation.     

The U.S. Congress Responds to Online Communication Needs

Abstract

The U.S. Congress, after a relatively slow start in the 1990s, is now making some progress in meeting the demands of online communications. Fueled by the growing use of e-mail by constituents and the development of online grassroots efforts, Congress has been inundated with e-mail. By using filtering systems, better software and hardware, and, most of all, better management techniques, many offices are now equipped to handle the great increase in electronic mail. While several steps behind the private sector, through fits and starts, Congress is attempting to catch up and meet the rising demand and volume of electronic communication. In some offices, there has been considerable progress in developing effective, interactive Web sites. These exceptional Web sites should serve as models of dynamic online communications, but for most congressional Web sites, there is a long way to go. Much depends on the attitudes and priorities set by lawmakers and their senior Staff.     

Revisiting the Character of Congress

SUMMARY

This article examines how character assessments affected the electoral fortunes of incumbent members of the U.S. House of Representatives during the period from 1966-1996. The findings of several linear regressions suggest that party affiliation constrains both when voters react to allegations of scandalous behavior and how they react to different kinds of allegations. The electoral cycle assists incumbent members who have engaged in scandalous behavior escape retribution from their constituents, allowing the majority to be reelected. Also reviewed are findings from the 1998-2002 timeframe. It concludes that voters do concern themselves with character issues, but that the party affiliation of the member and the type of scandal work in concert with the electoral process to mitigate the negative impact on the vote.     

科学构建党外代表人士队伍建设评价体系

科学合理地考核评价党外代表人士队伍建设成效,必须构建科学的党外代表人士队伍建设评价体系,使之成为党外代表人士队伍建设过程的重要依据.科学的党外代表人士队伍建设评价体系,包括党外代表人士队伍建设评价体系的基本要素和遵循的原则.构建科学的党外代表人士队伍建设评价体系,还须经过多方面的努力.     

Media Coverage of Congress in the 1990s: Scandals,Personalities, and the Prevalence of Policy and Process

In this article, we provide a comprehensive, systematic examination of media coverage of Congress in the 1990s. Specifically, we content analyze over 2,600 congressional news stories from the New York Times and CBS Evening News from 1990 through 1998. We find that the news media covered substantive policy concerns and the legislative process quite regularly and that stories focusing on individual personalities and political scandals were comparatively infrequent. We also find that legislative maneuvering is a mainstay of congressional media coverage, and the democratic process is most often framed as conflict between parties and Congress and the president.     

The African national congress and its critics: ‘predatory liberalism’, black empowerment and intra-alliance tensions in post-apartheid South Africa

Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by centralized, neo-liberal policymaking that perpetuates, and in some cases exaggerates, socio-economic inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. The African National Congress (ANC) leadership's alignment with powerful international and domestic market actors produces tensions within the Tripartite Alliance and between government and civil society. Consequently, several characteristics of ‘predatory liberalism’ are evident in contemporary South Africa: neo-liberal restructuring of the economy is combined with an increasing willingness by government to assert its authority, to marginalize and delegitimize those critical of its abandonment of inclusive governance. A new form of oligarch power, combining entrenched economic interests with those of a new ‘black bourgeoisie’ promoted by narrowly implemented Black Economic Empowerment policies, diminishes prospects for broad-based socio-economic transformation. Because the new policy environment is failing to resolve tensions between global market demands for increasing market liberalization and domestic popular demands for poverty-alleviation and socio-economic transformation, the ANC leadership is forced increasingly to confront ‘ultra-leftists’ who are challenging its credentials as defender of the National Democratic Revolution which was the cornerstone in the anti-apartheid struggle.     

坚定不移高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜

中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜具有完整而科学的内涵。旗帜是政治方向,道路是实现途径,理论体系是行动指南,制度是根本保障。     

中国特色社会主义的基本规律

中国特色社会主义的基本规律,主要体现为:把马克思主义基本原理与中国国情和时代特征相结合,走自己的社会主义建设道路,是中国特色社会主义的核心;中国特色社会主义道路、理论体系、制度,是中国特色社会主义的三大要素;一元与多样的辩证统一,是中国特色社会主义的基本特征;"一个中心、两个基本点"的基本路线,是中国特色社会主义的生命线;坚持科学发展,是中国特色社会主义的根本要求;注重社会主义实践创新、理论创新、制度创新,是中国特色社会主义的本质;实事求是,是中国特色社会主义的精髓。     

满怀信心应对国际金融危机对我国的影响

正确认识当前国际金融危机,就要运用马克思辩证唯物主义的科学方法,从多层面透过现象看本质来解读国际金融危机的成因,认清国际金融危机对我国经济是有影响有冲击的,某些影响和冲击甚至很严重,但它又是有限的,不是决定性的.党和政府应对金融危机的措施是"保增长、扩内需、调结构、抓改革."要满怀对马克思主义的坚定信仰,对中国特色社会主义的坚定信念,对中国共产党的坚定信任这"三信"来推动经济持续较快增长.要以积极乐观的态度在这场危机中抓住机遇求发展,在金融之"危"中孕育着人才资源回归、资金投向回流、技术创新和产业升级、管理变革和利用资源、思维变革和思维现代化之"机".