PARENT EDUCATION PROGRAMS IN FAMILY COURTS: BALANCING AUTONOMY AND STATE INTERVENTION

This work considers how court‐connected parent education programs can assist parents to access dispute resolution processes that best suit their families’ needs, in a manner involving appropriately curtailed levels of state interference with parental autonomy. After reviewing traditionally accepted limits on state interference with family functioning, the increased concern for children's emotional well‐being, and data relating to one parent education program, the author concludes that providing mandatory “basic level” informational programs to all separating parents seeking access to the family law regime is a warranted level of state intervention. “Skills‐building” programs aimed at achieving demonstrably changed parental practices should be available on a voluntary attendance basis.     

从人性恶角度探析法律对道德教育的强化功能——兼谈对“八荣八耻”教育的启示

道德与法律都是对人们“恶”的行为的规范,只是两者沿着不同的路径:法律注重外在强制和不侵犯他人,对人性的约束力强;道德强调内省和利他,对人性的约束力弱。因而,法律与道德相通相融,相互作用,相互影响,但依其各自特点决定了法律对道德教育具有强化功能。所以,人类所追求的自由和谐的社会状态的实现,需要从法律规范的外在强制逐渐过渡到公民道德内省的自觉行为。贯彻落实我国当前的社会主义荣辱观教育时,要把道德的教化与法律的强制结合起来,发挥法律对道德教育的强化功能,通过加强法治建设引导我国公民践行“八荣八耻”的道德要求,以实现社会的和谐健康发展。     

入世对大学生政治思想的负面影响与马克思主义理论课改革

入世在有力促进我国各个领域积极变化的同时,也在我国大学生政治思想上造成了政治信念困惑、政治理想混乱、政治观念西化等负面影响.高校马克思主义理论课教学的弊端却使其对大学生政治思想的影响日渐衰微.只有加强马克思主义理论课改革力度,治愈自身的顽疾,提高教育教学质量,才能发挥出矫正大学生政治思想偏颇的应有功能.     

曹操的教育思想

曹操重视恢复因汉末战乱而遭到破坏的学校教育,希望通过发展学校教育来移风易俗,实现对社会的教化。曹操认为人才对政治成败具有十分重要甚至关键的作用,因此不仅渴求人才,提倡唯才是举,而且对人才善加管理。曹操注重家庭教育,有一些较成功的思想和方法。     

The brown decades

Current positive attitudes towards the historic Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas decision are likely to mislead us into thinking that it was welcomed when announced in 1954. Beyond that, Chief Justice Warren's opinion seemed to announce two separate justifications for ruling school segregation unconstitutional: the Fourteenth Amendment principle of ‘equal protection of the laws’ and the negative effects of segregation on the self-image and self-respect of black schoolchildren. These two lines of reasoning were both important in the context of the emergence of a new ‘universalist’ way of thinking about race after the Second World War. By the late 1960s, however, this colour-blind universalism had given way to a race-conscious particularism. By that same period, the federal court system was moving to embrace race-conscious measures to insure school integration and not just desegregation, and then to allow affirmative action rather than merely requiring the abolition of racial discrimination. Thus the conflicting logics of Brown were present in the racial jurisprudence and politics of the last fifty years. Another question raised by Brown is also important: how did it comport with the progressive tradition of jurisprudence called ‘legal realism’ that was dominant up to the end of the Second World War? Surprisingly little attention has been devoted to this problem in the intellectual history of constitutional thought. One thing is clear, however: legal realism has a different origin and orientation than the ‘race and rights’ tradition that the Warren Court initiated with the Brown decision. Again, the conflicting logics of Brown reflect the two traditions of legal reasoning: one based on an appeal to rights and principles and one grounded in experience. Finally, reflection upon the half-century history of Brown reveals considerable progress in abolishing legal and political racial discrimination, although ironically more progress in integrating schools has been made in the South than the North. Moreover, such progress has come at a certain cost to black institutions in both regions of the United States. That said, there is still much to be done to overcome the effects of over a century of racial segregation.     

建国前党的少数民族思想政治教育工作述论

思想政治教育对于实现党的民族政策、纲领方式发挥着不可或缺的重要作用。党在革命过程中积累了丰富的思想政治教育的经验,只有在吸收优秀成果的基础上,才能对我们当前少数民族思想政治工作的开展与实施产生重要的促进作用。从这个层面而言,回顾和总结党在各时期的少数民族思想政治教育过程对我们当前的工作有着重大的指导意义。     

大学生学业观教育体系探析——以公安院校学生为样本

大学生学业观主要包括政治观、法治观、专业观、文化观和就业观。加强大学生学业观教育对建设社会主义核心价值体系、实现人才培养目标、全面提高高等教育质量具有十分重要的意义。公安院校大学生学业观教育采用学年纵向线性经度和“五个工程”横向平行纬度有机结合的复合式学业观教育模式。     

探索法学本科教育与司法考试良性互动

法学本科教育是法律职业的。基础,而司法考试又是法律职业的准入门槛。要实现法学教育和法律职业的有机衔接,首先应当实现法学本科教育和司法考试的良性互动。为了使法学教育尽可能地走出“教育围绕考试转”的怪圈,司法考试应当科学设计,以引导法学本科教育健康发展。其次,法学本科教育也应当在遵循教育规律的基础上顺“试”而为．以培养出能够通过司法考试并真正具备法律职业素质的人才。     

Local Authorities and the Accountability Gap in a Fragmenting Schools System

Reforms to the English education system under the UK's coalition government are building on the so‐called ‘schools revolution’ that previous Labour governments began through legislation increasing both schools' autonomy from local authorities and the system's diversity. Growing numbers of state‐funded schools have converted to academies outside local authority control, particularly since the Academies Act 2010, while opportunities have emerged for ‘free schools’ to be established by various interest groups. The right to establish a school has normative human rights underpinnings, yet the government's policy as a whole is particularly controversial due to the increased risk of social division, instability of local schooling arrangements and significantly reduced local democratic accountability for state funded education. This article questions whether, against a background of three decades of centralising educational reform and a concomitant decline in the role of local (education) authorities, the local public interest in education is being adequately safeguarded.     

New guidance/old problems: recent developments in sex education

Sex education is a controversial area of public policy and over the last 20 years it has also been highly politicized. The election of the Labour government in 1997 raised the hopes of children's rights and health campaigners for a move away from the traditional moralistic approach adopted by the previous administration in favour of a more progressive and pragmatic approach. To date the government has attempted, unsuccessfully, to repeal Section 28 of the Local Government Act 1988, has amended the statutory framework for sex education in the Learning and Skills Act 2000 and in July 2000 issued new guidance on sex and relationship education. This article examines how these recent developments attempt to reconcile parental and local control with the need for a more uniform provision and how they attempt to pragmatically acknowledge the sexual activity of young people and at the same time deny young people autonomy and uphold the norm of children as ideally non-sexual.