亚洲金融危机以来泰国的金融部门改革

亚洲金融危机后,泰国政府和中央银行在1997年至2001年间对金融部门进行了大规模重组,通过维持市场信心、关停大批金融机构、推动企业债务重组、提高监管标准等措施,使金融部门重新走上正轨.2002年以后,泰国政府和中央银行继续强化以风险管理为中心的监管,通过实施金融系统整体规划、新金融机构法、国际会计准则、新巴塞尔资本协议、存款保险制度和信用局制度等,强化金融部门抗风险能力.泰国金融部门改革取得一定成效,也存在一些不足,其政策措施对应对目前全球性金融危机,具有一定的借鉴意义.     

Children and boxing in Thailand： Preserving national heritage vs. exploiting national future

Children involving in boxing were highlighted as a problem in the country report of Thailand to the UN committee on the rights of the child. At present, there are approximately more than 20,000 children under 15 years old practicing Thai boxing. This thesis is designed to test the hypothesis that it is essential to bring human rights-based approach into the notion of children boxing in Thailand in order to find the possible solutions over the child protection in boxing areas, and that banning is not the absolute solution to solve the child boxing problem but should be done by applying children rights and ＂the best interest of the child＂ to the amendment of the laws and its enforcement. The research methodology of this study is mixed of qualitative and quantitative. The samples survey comprised 400 Thai people randomly on the subject of public awareness of this issue. The observation part was conducted on the random method by visiting 6 boxing camps; 3 in Bangkok and the other 3 in Kalasin province （northeastern area） and 3 children boxing matches; 2 local boxing stadiums and 1 national boxing stadium. Based on data gathering, although it was found that children practicing boxing are proved as dangerous and considered as child labor, they can hardly be banned because people in the boxing business, including children themselves, sees it as a necessity to practice at the young age and as a mean to escape poverty. In addition, a number of public opinion saw this as a benefit to preserve national cultural heritage. Therefore, allowing children to continue professional boxing, the government and sport authorities must implementing child rights in the professional boxing context based on law enforcement. The principle of the best interest of the child, based on the Article 3 in the Convention of Children Rights, has to be applied. This study recommended for the emendation of the National Boxing Act 1999 to provide specific chapter concerning children＇s engagement in boxing as a separate section from adult boxers.     

佛教与民间信仰的相遇——泰国《鬼妻》与中国《白蛇传》的比较分析

从宗教信仰的视角审视,泰、中民间故事《鬼妻》和《白蛇传》都是讲述人与异类结合,因与民间信仰不符而遭到阻挠,最后异类被佛法制伏的故事。两个故事有许多相同之处,均揭示了佛教在传播过程中和民间信仰之间的较量,最终佛教占据上风并包容、吸纳了地方原有的信仰;由此我们可以看出,在佛教传播过程中民间故事成为宣扬佛教的一种工具。二者的比较也揭示了泰中两国宗教信仰文化的差异,使我们加深了对泰国地方传统信仰文化的了解。     

泰国:2010～2011年回顾与展望

本文综述2010年泰国政治、经济、社会与外交关系发展,并展望该国2011年政治经济发展态势.2011年,泰国有望举行大选,经济上预计小幅增长.     

Precarity and Political Immobilisation: Migrants from Burma in Chiang Mai,Thailand

An estimated 1.5 million citizens of Burma reside as refugees or migrants in Thailand, where harsh treatment, harassment and social stigmas contribute to a climate of precarity. Although one possible course of action for any community under strain is political mobilisation, for migrants from Burma in the northern city of Chiang Mai, high degrees of exploitation and insecurity have generated an overwhelming disinterest in political issues. The article examines this relationship in five main sections. The first presents the two key concepts that structure the analysis: precarity and political mobilisation. The second examines the context of migration from Burma to Thailand, focusing both on the climate of unrest found in much of Burma and on Thailand's treatment of migrant workers, its non-participation in core international legislation and its sub-standard migrant registration system. The third explains how this study of Burmese migrants in Chiang Mai was undertaken and reviews the ethical considerations required in a study of vulnerable groups. The fourth documents the study's findings and presents migrants' testimony. The fifth seeks to explain the link between precarity and political passivity in this case, and considers the wider implications. The concluding section restates the core finding.     

Cracking Hegemony in Thailand: Gramsci,Bourdieu and the Dialectics of Rebellion

Gramsci's notion of “hegemony,” like Bourdieu's concept of “habitus,” seems designed to explain accommodation to existing social structures, rather than resistance. In this paper, however, I draw from the Prison Notebooks some arguments that contribute to a Gramscian understanding of how hegemony may break apart under the weight of the same uneven development processes central to hegemony. Drawing also from Bourdieu, I argue that the conceptions of “hegemony” and “habitus” inscribe the possibility of resistance within the embodied experience of accommodation to class rule. I then elaborate a dialectical, Gramscian-Bourdieusian account of the Red Shirt movement in Thailand, showing that the seeds for the destruction of royalist hegemony in Thailand have been sown in the embodied processes of accommodation to ruling class hegemony. The breadth and depth of challenges to this hegemony, moreover, are evident not only from the activities of the Red Shirt movement and regional discontent in Northern and Northeast Thailand but from the resistance of working class women to attempts to police their sexuality and limit their consumerism. The refusal of Thai elites to accept the breadth and depth of Thailand's dispositional transformation has legitimised – in their eyes – the brutal crackdown on Red Shirt protestors that resulted in the April-May 2010 massacres. Yet repression can only kill off political leaders and specific parties; it will not likely derail the growing resentment of ordinary Thais over elitist class rule.     

Strong State,Smothered Society: Explaining Terrorist Violence in Thailand's Deep South

Why have militants in southern Thailand utilized anonymous and at times indiscriminate terrorist violence against civilians? This article gauges three explanations: resource wealth, weak states, and strong states. I argue that terrorist violence against civilians in southern Thailand is partially sustained and largely structured by the considerable institutional strength of the Thai state. This helps sustain the conflict by providing an additional grievance and it structures the form of violence by forcing militants underground and severing their links to civilians. A potential response would be to trim state agencies and scale back the presence of the state in Patani.     

The Micro-Determinants of Public Policy: A Case of Thailand’s Trade Policy

As international trade is vital to Thailand’s economy, the implementation of trade policy has always been at the center of the country’s public administration. Apart from the analysis of the macro-determinants of trade policy formulation, the factors affecting trade policy at a micro level is also equally important. This paper looks at factors influencing individuals’ perception of international trade policy. It uses questionnaire data, collected from Bangkok residents in 2017. The binary, logit and probit, models with marginal effects are employed for the estimation. The results indicate the significance of variables representing individuals’ knowledge and understanding of international trade policy as well as variables relating to individuals’ exposure to the new environment. The government, therefore, should make sure that accurate information is widely disseminated and reaches all stakeholders. People’s better understanding of trade policy should allow policy administration to be more efficient, producing maximum benefits for the country and its people.     

Considerations on inequality and politics in Thailand

In Thailand, economic inequality has long been a fact of life. It is a “general inequality of condition” that can be seen to influence all aspects of social, economic, and political life. Yet inequality has not always been associated with political activism. Following the 2006 military coup, however, there has been a deliberate and politicized linking of inequality and politics. The article explores a complex of political events – elections, coup, constitution, and the political ascent of Thaksin Shinawatra – that has given rise to a relatively recent politicization of economic and political inequalities, now invoked in street politics – a rhetoric developed amongst pro-Thaksin red shirts that challenged the status quo and generates conflict over the nature of electoral democracy.     

试析泰国中华总商会的演变

泰国中华总商会成立于1910年,至今已整整一个世纪。在百年的历史发展进程中,泰国中华总商会从无到有,从一个小规模的社团发展到当地最有影响力的社团之一。它的影响力辐射到整个泰华社会,甚至于在泰中两国的友好合作、经贸往来、文化交流等方面都有着深远的影响。1975年泰国与中华人民共和国建立外交关系,两国在取消泰国华人双重国籍问题上达成一致,加快了泰国华人加入泰籍获得公民权利的进程。在这个背景下,泰国中华总商会作为当地重要的侨团组织,随着20世纪70年代泰华社会的转变,其性质也发生了重大转变,即从"华侨社团"转变为"华人社团"。