《泰国最后一次入贡中国纪录书》初考

《泰国最后一次入贡中国纪录书》是我们看到的泰方唯一的一份有关曼谷王朝遣使来华的泰文纪录。它记述的内容与中国清代官方记载基本相同,它从一个方面说明清代官方记载是真实可靠的,具有很高的史料价值。     

柬埔寨与泰国领土争端的历史和现实——以柏威夏寺争端为焦点

边界与领土争端是柬泰关系中的未愈伤口.历史上,柬埔寨与泰国之间,国界与疆域曾多次互有伸缩进退,为此结下了历史宿怨.现实中的柬泰边界与领土争端的核心问题之一,是对位于柬泰边界上的柏威夏寺归属的争端.边界问题动辄在柬泰两国关系中掀起轩然大波,甚至流血冲突,严重影响双边和睦,破坏地区稳定,危害和平建设.在全球化背景下构建和谐世界的今天,和平解决边界与领土争端应该成为柬泰两国与国际社会的共识.     

Coloured Judgements? The Work of the Thai Constitutional Court, 1998–2016

Created in 1997 as part of a major constitutional reform, Thailand’s Constitutional Court has since become embroiled in several high-profile political controversies. Since the 2006 coup, because a number of such decisions have favoured one political camp and considering obvious close and long-standing relations between judges and political elites, questions have arisen about the court’s ability to act as an independent arbiter. Is this view justifiable? To answer that question, this article first analyses how the court has behaved across political administrations in 32 high-profile cases since 2001. It then turns to the socio-biographic profile of the bench, the politics of nominations and changes to its composition, particularly since 2006. Finally, the article considers data on participants in classes offered by the Constitutional Court, which makes it possible to better understand the links between Thai political and judicial networks. The analysis finds evidence of politically biased voting patterns and increasingly partisan nominations to the court, though formally appointment procedures are apolitical, which suggests the politicisation of the court and growing ties between judicial and political elites. These findings raise new questions about the public’s perception of the Constitutional Court’s legitimacy and prospects for the rule of law.     

泰国的涉外民商事管辖权制度

在泰国,对不涉及不动产或与此相关的权利和利益的诉讼,由被告住所地或诉因发生地能行使地域管辖权的法院管辖;有关不动产或其他与不动产有关的权利的诉讼,由有地域管辖权的被告住所地法院或不动产所在地法院管辖.外国国家不能成为泰国法院的当事人;当事人不能自主地选择管辖法院;在外国法院待审的案件还可向有管辖权的泰国法院提交;泰国法律制度中没有不方便法院这一概念.     

Tea Culture Seminar

正Nearly 30 ambassadors and diplomats to China from 11 countries,namely viet Nam,Laos,Cambodia,Thailand,Myanmar,Malaysia,Singapore,Indonesia,Brunei,Philippines and Timor-Leste,attended a tea culture seminar held at the flagship store of Hunan Tea Group in Mazhenghe Tea City in     

Peasants and the redshirt movement in Thailand: some dissenting voices

The ‘redshirt’ movement in Thailand is commonly portrayed in media and scholarly accounts as a class-based, pro-Thaksin social movement that draws fervent support from the poor rural-born masses, especially peasants, in the north and northeast. The movement leaders, including Thaksin, have supposedly won these people's support by framing urban-based political elites as ammart (aristocrats) who have stakes in suppressing the needs of phrai (serfs) – a contrasting label for the rural-born poor. I question this analysis that highlights the polarisation of Thai society along class lines. Combining data from election results and fieldwork in Chiang Mai Province – Thaksin's birthplace and the putative redshirt heartland – I show that despite their relative poverty, some peasants remain cynical opponents of the redshirt movement. They have autonomy to penetrate and reinterpret the redshirts' class-centric collective action frame – a fact that cautions us against linking rural poverty causally to rural support for redshirts. Peasants are a more diverse, politically divided lot than we are led to believe.     

马来西亚汽车市场分析：与泰国汽车市场比较

在中国-东盟自由贸易区（CAFTA）正式启动的宏观背景下,本文对马来西亚汽车市场进行详细的总量和结构分析,指出近10年来马来西亚汽车工业保持稳定的发展速度,但泰国汽车工业的迅速崛起使马来西亚汽车产业失去了在东盟的主导地位;而马来西亚政府推行的进口替代汽车产业政策和国民车计划直接决定了该国汽车产业的发展动向。在实证分析部分,我们通过显性比较优势指数RCA测算发现马来西亚汽车产业不具备显性比较优势,通过恒定市场份额CMS分析得出2001—2007年间虽然马来西亚汽车产业出口竞争力呈上升趋势,但竞争力呈自我弱化趋势。与泰国汽车产业的测算结果比较反过来验证了泰国政府及时顺应世界贸易自由化浪潮进行产业政策转变的正确性。     

Distal Humerus Morphological Variation and Sex Estimation in Modern Thai Individuals,

Due to differential preservation, it is necessary to develop sex estimation methods on varied anatomical regions, including the distal humerus. Sexually dimorphic differences of the medial epicondyle angle, olecranon fossa shape, trochlear extension, and trochlear constriction have been documented in several non-Asian groups. This study examines distal humerus morphological variation in 616 modern Thai individuals (f = 198; m = 418) 18–96 years old and tests the methods on a hold-out sample of 152 individuals (f = 91; m = 61). The results indicate that population-specific binary probit regression performs the best (74.1–100%), followed by composite scoring (77.0–90.1%), binary logistic regression (63.3–92.2%), and univariate sectioning points (37.7–90.1%). Age minimally effects the expression of the medial epicondyle angle in males, and trait scoring is susceptible to high intra- and interobserver error. While demonstrating relatively high sex biases, distal humerus morphology can be used to estimate the sex of Thai individuals when more sexually dimorphic regions are absent.     

从政治竞争看宪法法院在亚洲的不同命运——对韩国、印尼和泰国的比较分析

作为西方国家法治进步的产物,宪法法院在20世纪后期陆续进入亚洲国家,成为民主转型过程中重要的制度设计,但其实际效果却存在差异。韩国宪法法院在功能上呈现"多点开花"的态势,在民主、法治和人权等领域均表现良好。印尼宪法法院成功解决了总统选举过程中的争议,维护了基本的民主规则。相比之下,泰国宪法法院则经历了"高开低走"的蜕变。它在成立初期相对较好地履行了宪法赋予的职责,2006年之后却越来越深入地卷入到政治斗争之中,丧失了独立品格,做出了一系列明显违反法治精神的判决。对此,既有解释存在"西方中心主义"的弊端,而且难以同时解释宪法法院在建立和运行两个阶段的不同情况。作为一种以民主转型国家实践经验为基础的学说,政治竞争理论因其内生性、系统性的视角而具有更强的解释力。以该理论视角观察宪法法院在韩国、印尼和泰国的不同命运,在验证其科学性的同时,可以发现其中隐含的前提条件及其适用范围的有限性。     

泰爱泰党赢得泰国大选的缘由

他信·西那瓦领导的泰爱泰党由于大力发展党员,提出迎合民心的竞选政策而赢得泰国下议院议员选举和总理选举的历史性胜利。