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21.
泰语是泰国的标准语,泰国皇家学术院作为泰国在语言规划和语言政策方面最具权威性的官方研究机构,对泰语的发展起了重要作用,其地位相当于法国的法兰西学院和西班牙的塞万提斯学院。本文主要从泰语标准的规范、新词汇的认定、泰语的宣传和保护以及对国家语言政策的制定提供依据等方面简要分析泰国皇家学术院对泰语的发展所起的作用。  相似文献   
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泰国人民对国王的崇拜源自于泰国的原始地神崇拜,而外来婆罗门教与佛教思想的渗透及其最终与本土原始信仰的融合,则进一步巩固了人民对国王的崇拜。  相似文献   
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《当代亚洲杂志》2012,42(1):74-98
ABSTRACT

The monarchy and the country’s military dominate discussions of Thai political history. The country’s democratic history meanwhile is much less well known. To many people, historiography – the history of the writing of history – is a dull affair that only concerns academics. But the changing representations of the origins of democracy in the 1932 revolution that ended the absolute monarchy show the politics of history as a continuous problem that still shapes Thai society. The interpretations have been bound to the bitter partisanship that has accompanied a history of political instability. This article examines the changing interpretations of 1932 in their historical contexts and demonstrates the central antagonism towards the ideal of popular sovereignty, despite its long history in the country, that is still held by the military and monarchic elite.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

This article develops the concept of “reign-seeking” to capture the unprecedented collective action of the Thai professional and official elite prior to the 2014 military coup and the establishment of a military regime. It argues that this phenomenon reflects broad and deep political dynamics, for which the dominant scholarship on authoritarianism and Thai politics cannot adequately explain. The changing incentives of these supposedly non-partisan actors are interwoven with neo-liberal governance reform driven by a desire for depoliticisation and the minimisation of rent-seeking. This idea has been rationalised in Thailand since the promulgation of the 1997 Constitution resulting in the rise of technocratic and judicial bodies designed to discipline elected politicians and political parties. However, such institutional reconfigurations have consolidated the incentive for people considering themselves to be prospective candidates to “reign” in these organisations. As evident in the 2014 coup, these unconventional political actors – academics, doctors and civil society leaders – made collective efforts to topple the elected government in exchange for gaining selection into the wide range of unelected bodies. Governance reform in Thailand has hitherto reinforced the status quo, although the article further argues that reign-seekers should be seen as contingent, rather than consistent, authoritarians.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

Thailand’s politics is in a fragile state. A lack of consensus around basic “rules of the game” among elites and civil societal groups renders the country highly volatile and unstable. Violence has been all too evident in recent political disputes. The February 2, 2014 elections witnessed a significant change in the pattern of electoral violence. It changed from targeted killings among rival candidates to mob violence aimed at disrupting the electoral processes and institutions. The degree of violence was the highest in the country’s electoral history. Urban middle class protesters, mobilised as the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) employed violent tactics to disrupt electoral voter registration, voting and vote counting activities. Six million registered voters were affected by the closure of polling stations. The PDRC’s animosity towards the election marked an unprecedented development. By disrupting the election, it rejected the peaceful and democratic way for the public to decide who should govern. The case of the PDRC movement demonstrated that activities of confrontational civil society can sometimes cause deadly conflicts and the breakdown of democracy.  相似文献   
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20世纪以来,在与外界群体的互动中,泰国马来穆斯林群体的民族认同与民族意识经历了两次转变。第一次是在大泰族主义刺激及泛马来民族主义召唤下,由非政治性的地方民族主义向政治性的跨界民族主义转变,穆斯林群体民族意识高涨,并掀起了大规模的分离运动。第二次则是由于新时期泰南局势的转变及全球性伊斯兰激进思潮的影响,穆斯林群体的民族意识与认同出现了分野,多元认同与极端宗教主义成为这一群体表达民族意识的两种方式。泰南穆斯林群体民族意识和认同的演化,体现了泰国与周边地区的发展态势,折射出20世纪以来东南亚地区伊斯兰文化圈的变化发展。  相似文献   
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泰国华文报副刊曾经有过一段辉煌的历史,但是随着形势的变化,华文报副刊呈现出衰败的迹象。本文通过论述副刊的历史、文学形态等,分析了副刊生存的困境,为读者认识世界华文热与中华文化传播的关系提供另一个视角。  相似文献   
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1975年中国与泰国建交以来,两国贸易关系发展迅速。到 2010 年,中国已成为泰国第一大出口国、第二大进口来源国及第二大贸易伙伴。泰中贸易额虽呈持续增长态势,但在发展过程中也面临不少问题,例如产品结构趋同、贸易发展不均衡等。本文试图通过分析泰中贸易的发展历程、现状和特点,来探讨泰中贸易关系中存在的问题,并提出一些对策建议。  相似文献   
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