Estimating Age of Majority on Third Molars Developmental Stages in Young Adults from Thailand Using a Modified Scoring Technique*

Abstract: The aim of this study was to achieve a referral database for dental age estimation of unaccompanied minors of Thai nationality. A total of 1199 orthopantomograms were collected from original Thai women and men equally divided in age categories between 15 and 24 years. On the radiographs, the developmental stage of the third molars was scored applying a modified scoring technique. Inter- and intra-observer reliabilities were tested using kappa statistics. Correlation between the scores of all four wisdom teeth and left–right symmetry were evaluated with Pearson’s correlation coefficient. Student’s t-test on asymmetry was performed and regression formulas were calculated. The present database was the first to assemble third molar developmental scores on radiographs of Thai individuals and provides more appropriate dental age estimation of unaccompanied Thai minors. Future research on similar databases of different nationalities worldwide may expose ethnical influences on dental development.     

从华人认同看泰国华文教育的复苏与发展(1992～2012)

华文教育起源于海外华人社会,泰国的华文教育亦是如此。1992年,泰国政府放宽华文教育的限制,泰国华文教育复苏并迅速发展,目前泰国有超过80万人学习汉语。虽然泰国华人被高度同化,但是他们多元的政治、文化和族群认同反而促进了泰国华文教育的复苏和发展。     

泰国的客家人与客属总会

客家人开始移居泰国的时间大约始于18世纪中期。泰国的客家人主要来自中国的嘉应地区,即现在的梅州地区。与其他移居到泰国的其他方言群一样,移居到泰国的客家人为泰国的经济发展做出了贡献。泰国的客属总会虽成立于1938年,但如从该会的前身集贤会馆算起,至今已有百多年的历史。泰国的客属总会以联络乡情,发展工商,共谋社会公益事业及会员、同乡福利为宗旨,在泰国华人社会的中具有较大的影响力。     

Uneven development,inequality and concentration of power: a critique of Thailand 4.0

This article provides a critique of the Thailand 4.0 strategy to push the country out of the middle-income trap through innovation-driven, inclusive and sustainable growth. First, it argues that the policies have insufficiently analysed the persistence of structural hierarchy and uneven development in the global political economy, which will constrain Thailand’s catch-up success in the future. Second, based on writings about progressive mission-led industrial strategies, it is argued that Thailand 4.0 ought to embed a progressive social and environmental agenda more clearly in its industrial strategy. Third, it is argued that Thailand 4.0 neglects to address the high concentration of political and economic power in the country, and also continues to allow unequal access to the policymaking process that has led to socio-environmental problems. Overall, this article argues that Thailand 4.0 will increasingly aggravate the two-tier fragmented nature of the political economic system of Thailand, where few can reap the biggest shares of the surplus and participate in more advanced sectors of the economy. It also calls for a more progressive industrial strategy and an alternative developmental path.     

Measuring Municipal Fiscal Condition: The Application of U.S.-Based Measures to the Context of Thailand

This research attempts to apply U.S.-based measures in order to examine municipal fiscal conditions in Thailand. Fourteen municipal governments located in the central and eastern regions of the country are explored, utilizing data from FY 2001 to 2006. The findings show that the selected measures of revenue-raising capacity and expenditure provide a sensible picture of Thai municipal fiscal conditions when compared to U.S. cities during past decades. Large, highly populous central cities as well as semi-rural, residential areas are fiscally weak. By contrast, suburban and industry-based cities are fiscally healthy. This study provides a foundation for the design of intergovernmental transfer systems that takes into account the local fiscal conditions and helps to extend the external validity of existing analytical tools.     

Douglas Pike and the NLF

Abstract

Our tragically mistaken policy in Vietnam is in part at least the result of scholarly misapprehension of Vietnamese reality. Experts have not been totally lacking; but too many of these experts have distorted, consciously or unconsciously, the Vietnamese reality they report. Douglas Pike, our “most careful student of the Viet Cong” (Schlesinger, The Bitter Heritage, 36), is a case in point. His book, Viet Cong: The Organization and Techniques of the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (M.I.T. Press, 1966), received broad praise when it was issued. Bernard Fall called it “excellent” (Two Vietnams, 357); the APSR reviewer described it as “among the very, best (books) on any aspect of contemporary Vietnam” (American Political Science Review, LXI.2.495 (June 1967)). In this brief review of Viet Cong I shall indicate Pike's general bias, specific points in his argument, and objections to his framework.     

Branding Dissent: Nitirat,Thailand’s Enlightened Jurists

Abstract

This article examines the political role of a group of academic lawyers based at Thammasat University who have been seeking to reform various aspects of the Thai legal and judicial system. The seven-member group started out by criticising the illegality of the 2006 coup. After the 2010 crackdown against redshirt protestors, the group named itself Nitirat and started to hold seminars, draft legal proposals, and campaign to amend various laws. Nitirat has repeatedly challenged the legal and constitutional underpinnings of three key elements of the Thai state: the judiciary, the military, and the monarchy. In doing so, the group has gained a mass following, drawn mainly from those sympathetic to the “redshirt” movement which broadly supports former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Informally led by scholar Worajet Pakeerat, Nitirat has created a popular branding which is reflected in huge audiences for public events, and the sales of souvenirs. The article aims to answer the following questions: How does Nitirat combine the roles of legal academic and political activist? How does it differ from the traditional mode of Thai public intellectuals? How significant is the Nitirat phenomenon?     

Terrorism: A matter for moral judgement

If politics and military affairs often raise moral questions, terrorism is a politico‐military matter that veritably flings moral problems in our faces. This essay, initially prepared for military chaplains, explains why terrorism is a form of political depravity and a form of armed activity bearing little resemblance to legitimate guerrilla warfare. Dr Harmon analyzes how terrorists nonetheless use arguments ‐ moral and political ‐ to try to transform public attitudes and even paralyze the body politic into inaction and impotence. Common arguments of the terrorists and their public supporters and apologists are analyzed and rebutted. Conclusions include the proposition that internecine blood‐letting among terrorists themselves, and the self‐defeating character of terrorist logic, make these ostensible architects of new societies more adept with the wrecking ball than with the blueprint.     

Civic Activism Continued Through Other Means: Terror-Violence in the South of Thailand

This article explores the relationship between civil society and terror-violence. It argues that terrorism should be understood as “civic activism continued through other means.” This allows us to distinguish it from state-terror. The article then explores the theme with data drawn from the political situation in the south of Thailand focusing on some recent events in which local Thai Malay-Muslims have protested against military presence. The paper also provides a brief history of the development of belligerent separatist groups in the area showing that they emerged after dissatisfaction with 20th century Thai civil-societal possibilities.     

How do international development agencies approach peacebuilding in a sub-national conflict?

International development agencies often promote approaches that link aid and peacebuilding. However, the gap between what agencies say and what they actually do is demonstrated by the mixed response to subnational conflict in Thailand's Far South between 2007 and 2012. Over this period, numerous agencies demonstrated little interest in addressing the conflict. Some agencies did over time try to support peacebuilding, although domestic government resistance and practical barriers generated obstacles. Conflict guidelines and toolkits were rarely used, while only a few agencies implemented the context-driven and knowledge-based approaches to local partnerships that peace promotion in a complex and politically sensitive environment demands.

Comment les agences de développement internationales abordent-elles la construction de la paix lors d'un conflit infranational ?

Les agences de développement internationales promeuvent souvent des approches qui relient l'aide et la construction de la paix. Cependant, le fossé entre les dires des agences et leurs actions est démontré par la riposte peu constante au conflit infranational dans l'extrême sud thaïlandais entre 2007 et 2012. Durant cette période, de nombreuses agences n'ont guère fait preuve d'intérêt concernant la résolution du conflit. Certaines agences, au fil du temps, ont tenté de soutenir la construction de la paix, mais la résistance gouvernementale au sein même du pays et les barrières d'ordre pratique ont engendré des obstacles. Les lignes directrices et les trousses à outils pour remédier aux conflits ont été rarement utilisés, et rares ont été les agences qui ont mis en ?uvre les approches impulsées par les contextes et basées sur les connaissances concernant les partenariats locaux que requiert la promotion de la paix dans un environnement complexe et politiquement sensible.

¿De qué manera las agencias de desarrollo internacionales abordan la construcción de paz en un conflicto subnacional?

Frecuentemente, las agencias de desarrollo internacionales promueven enfoques que vinculan la ayuda con la construcción de paz. Sin embargo, la brecha entre lo que dicen las agencias y lo que en realidad hacen queda demostrada por la respuesta matizada ante el conflicto subnacional que tuvo lugar en el Extremo Sur de Tailandia entre 2007 y 2012. Durante este periodo, numerosas agencias demostraron poco interés en abordar el conflicto. A pesar de los obstáculos que representaron la resistencia del gobierno nacional y las barreras prácticas, con el transcurso del tiempo algunas agencias intentaron apoyar la construcción de paz. Sin embargo, en pocas ocasiones usaron las normas y los manuales existentes en torno a conflictos. Sólo unas pocas agencias implementaron los enfoques basados en el contexto y en el conocimiento para crear alianzas locales, las cuales resultan imprescindibles para promover la paz en un entorno complejo y políticamente sensible.

Como as agências internacionais de desenvolvimento abordam a construção da paz em um conflito subnacional?

As agências internacionais de desenvolvimento frequentemente promovem abordagens que fazem a conexão entre ajuda e construção da paz. Porém, a variação entre o que as agências afirmam e o que elas realmente fazem é demonstrada pela resposta mesclada a um conflito subnacional no extremo sul da Tailândia entre 2007 e 2012. Durante esse período, várias agências demonstraram pouco interesse em abordar o conflito. Algumas agências realmente tentaram, no decorrer do tempo, apoiar a construção da paz, embora a resistência do governo local e barreiras práticas geraram obstáculos. Orientações e kits de ferramentas sobre o conflito foram raramente utilizados, enquanto que apenas algumas poucas agências implementaram abordagens direcionadas ao conflito e baseadas no conhecimento de parcerias locais que a promoção da paz demanda em um ambiente complexo e politicamente delicado.