政府诚信与信赖利益保护

一个政府要在全社会建立起良好的信用氛围,它首先必须自己是一个信用的政府。而要使政府诚信于民,重要的是将政府的权力运行纳入法制轨道。政府诚信也因此不仅仅是一种抽象的道义要求,更是一种具体的法律义务。《行政许可法》第八条规定标志着信赖利益保护原则在我国法律中得到了确认,对建设诚信政府和法治政府具有深远意义。但我国对信赖利益保护制度尚缺乏足够法律构建,诚信政府的法制建设也有待于进一步完善。     

浅探我国法律援助制度的科学发展

法律援助制度是我国保护“弱势群体”的最后也是最有力的救济手段,它的内涵以及它制定的最终目标都体现出“以人为本”、实现“可持续发展”这一主题。它在我国取得了迅速的发展,也在为“弱势群体”提供法律服务方面取得了显著成绩。但是目前,我国的法律援助工作仍面临着许多困难,存在着许多不足,本文主要探讨如何去加以科学的发展和完善。     

Increasing Evidence-Based Programs in Criminal and Juvenile Justice: A Report from the Front Line

For the past 5 years in the United States, there has been an increased emphasis on evidence-based programs, and, in particular, the promotion of experimental designs as the highest standard of evidence. This interest has been fueled by the Federal government's demand for accountability that links budget allocation with program performance. The National Institute of Justice, the research, development and evaluation agency within the Office of Programs in the U.S. Department of Justice is undertaking a number of efforts to improve the quality of evaluation research and address the need for evidence-based programs. These efforts have focused on making improvements upfront in the grant selection process so that well-designed evaluations will be undertaken and in the management and monitoring of ongoing evaluation research grants so that implementation and design issues can be identified and addressed. Evaluability assessments is a key strategy that NIJ is relying on increasingly to identify programs that have a high likelihood of being successfully evaluated. Whether these efforts will lead to an overall increase in the rigor of NIJ-supported evaluations remains unanswered at this time. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of The National Academies or the National Institute of Justice.     

侦查谦抑性论纲

侦查谦抑性原则有其哲学、政治学及法理学、经济学基础,它的基本要求是侦查行为的最后性、侦查行为的必要性、侦查行为的相应性、侦查行为的合法性及侦查结果的非起诉性等。目前,西方各国主要通过制度的设立这一静态途径和侦查运行过程中警察自由裁量权内敛这一动态途径来实现侦查的谦抑化。我国在这方面还有很大差距,应在借鉴的基础上实现侦查的谦抑化。     

Constituent Communication Through Telephone Town Halls: A Field Experiment Involving Members of Congress

Telephone town halls are an increasingly prevalent method for members of Congress (MCs) to communicate with constituents, even while garnering popular criticism for failing to facilitate engagement and accountability. Yet scholars have paid little attention to the events and their effects, and even less to how they might be improved. To remedy this problem, we report on a field experiment in which four MCs joined their constituents in telephone town halls. Overall, participation in an event improved constituents’ evaluations of the format in general, and of the MC in particular. Furthermore, we studied how these events might be improved by evaluating a reform—a single‐topic focus with predistributed briefing materials—designed to enhance deliberative interaction. This reform enhanced effects on opinions of the format without significantly altering effects on attitudes toward the MC. Our results suggest that telephone town halls hold promise for constituents, officeholders, and democratic practice.     

Understanding the political goals of non-binding resolutions: evidence from the Mexican Chamber of Deputies

By primarily focusing on bill initiatives, the literature on legislatures and parliaments has understudied other important legislative instruments -such as non-binding resolutions, minutes or speeches- which might help parties and legislators achieve their electoral and policy goals. Non-binding resolutions (NBRs) do not carry the force of law and are primarily used for parties or legislators’ position taking and the request of government actions. This article examines the political goals of NBRs by examining these tools in the lower chamber of the Mexican Congress. Employing a novel dataset, we claim that legislators strategically utilise NBRs to strengthen their relationship with their political principals. We find differences on the use of these instruments across political parties, based on the types of policy areas they choose to target. The analysis also indicates that SMD legislators tend to introduce more particularistic NBRs that might further their political careers at the subnational level.     

韩国人对华负面认知与中国对韩公共外交途径

中韩两国关系自建交以来在许多方面取得了飞速发展,但近些年,两国关系由“暖”变“冷”,原因是多方面的,其中韩国人对中国形象的负面认知,产生了很．大的负面影响。对此,我们不能视而不见或避而不谈,而应积极加强对韩公共外交,促进两国友好关系顺利发展。韩国是中国的重要邻国,中韩两国关系良好发展的意义不仅局限在两国关系上,它对于改善东北亚地区的安全局势也具有不可忽视的作用。本文主要就韩国人对中国形象的负面认知及其对中韩关系所起的负面影响作用以及应对之策,做简要分析和探讨。