The theme of indivisibility in the post-war struggle against prejudice in the United States

Whitfield's essay seeks to identify and explain a tendency that emerged in the United States in the 1940s and extended through the 1950s. It was then that a notion became commonplace, especially among liberals, that the victims of prejudice were interchangeable and that bigotry was undifferentiated. Before the 1940s, the problem of prejudice was not widely believed to be urgent; but the war against the Third Reich heightened awareness of the price of an irrational hostility to minorities. American liberals in particular came to the understanding that bigotry was indivisible; and, for its objects, the cards of identity could easily be shuffled. Whether the victims were Jews or Negroes or homosexuals, the hatred that they elicited appeared to be formed without making any distinctions among them. Evidence can be found in the culture of those two decades, in novels, plays and films. The unitary view of the character of prejudice had some support in social science, including in the authoritative volume The Authoritarian Personality. The theory would also be reflected in a major shift in the agenda of Jewish civil rights organizations, which redefined their mission as promoting the democratic rights of all minorities rather than the particular interests of American Jews. This distinctive tendency vanished in the 1960s, however. One reason for the change was a fuller appreciation of the hostility that minorities could harbour towards other minorities. The realization also deepened of the singular vulnerability of black Americans under the pressure of racism, which demonstrated a tenacity as well as a proclivity for violence that had been largely absent from other forms of bigotry. Finally, a broader legitimation of difference itself emerged in the 1960s to bury the notion that minorities were fungible.     

王尽美在山东选择性传播马克思主义的历史机缘

王尽美是在山东传播马克思主义的第一人,一生都为山东的革命事业做出了卓越的贡献。王尽美用通俗易懂的方式在山东进行马克思主义的宣传,积极向民众灌输马克思主义的重要理论,选择性传播马克思主义,不仅为马克思主义在山东实现大众化奠定了基础,也运用马克思主义基本原理领导和指导山东的革命斗争。而帝国主义对山东的侵略、封建军阀对山东的独裁统治以及山东民众的生活困苦不堪等都为王尽美在山东选择性传播马克思主义提供了重要的历史机缘。     

新时期加强党的纯洁性建设的思考

2013年是全面贯彻落实党的十八大精神的开局之年,扎实推进党风廉政建设和反腐败工作,对永葆党的纯洁性意义重大。本文主要从党的十八大及党的十八届三中全会对反腐倡廉建设的部署和要求,全面分析新形势腐败的新动向,总结腐败的原因,推动新的历史条件下反腐倡廉建设与党的纯洁性建设的思考,永葆党的纯洁性。     

“新工人阶级”的法治生存之道

美国《时代》周刊把中国工人列为2009年度人物亚军,展示了中国工人的力量.在一个不断物质化以及“弱势群体”边缘化的社会,“把工人阶级带回分析的中心”有其理论和方法论意义.梳理工人阶级的历史变迁脉络,廓清“新工人阶级”的法治生存境况,把握作为“阶级”抑或“阶层”的工人群体的主体性及其内涵,是我们辨析其法律身份认同和共同意识的前提和基础.而要使他们真正回归“劳动者”,必须发掘其内在的力量,在法治的轨道上实现其结社自由和罢工权利.     

公务员精神与公务员制度

公务员精神来源于公务员制度的本质规定。具有中国特色的社会主义公务员制度决定了中国公务员精神与西方公务员精神既有相同之处,又在“政治中立”这一点上有着根本的区别。随着中国特色社会主义公务员制度的不断完善,公务员精神的内涵也应当不断丰富和发展。公务员精神体现了公务员制度中的爱国主义、集体主义、职业精神和时代精神。当前最为迫切的就是以个人自律、组织教育、制度控制、环境制约等为主要途径,从精神、制度与方法的有机结合上促使每个公务员真正成为“公务员精神”的实践者和体现者。     

Performance Appraisal Systems as a Strategic Human Resource Management Tool in the Bahamian Public Service

The Bahamian Public Service faces general pressures for better performance, including higher quality, rational administrative systems, and managerial innovation. Because organizational effectiveness depends on high-quality and committed human capital, performance appraisal is important. This study will describe, assess, and recommend changes in the current system.     

Women in the Korean Civil Service

Abstract

Are organizational characteristics, such as agency type, size, and growth, linked to female representation in the Korean civil service? This study analyzes the aggregate data regarding the female workforce in the Korean civil service in 2001 through multiple regression analysis. Findings indicate that the Korean women are likely to be underrepresented in most national agencies and severely underrepresented at higher‐level grades. While the Korean women doubled in the civil service for the last two decades, employment of women at the highest grade levels did not improve significantly. Redistributive agencies are directly linked to female representation in the Korean civil service regardless of grade levels, whereas agency size and growth are not related to female employment representation. To achieve gender equality and to expand female senior executive feed levels, the Korean government has provided the quotas for successful female applicants in the civil service entrance examinations at the lowest through middle level grades since 1996. The use of quotas and policies for gender equality could lead to changes in the entire public workforce, particularly fair representation at higher‐level positions as well as the elimination of agency and occupational segregation.     

Educating Young Radicals: Shanghai University, 1922-1927*

Abstract

The development of the vernacular language during the New Culture Movement was only intended as a transitional stage to the goal of abolishing the Chinese language. Intellectuals such as Qian Xuantong, Lu Xun, Hu Shi, and Chen Duxiu all advocated to varying degrees the Romanization, Latinization, and abolition of the Chinese language. Chen Yinke, however, argued that the adoption of a Europeanized grammatical structure, and the borrowing of neologisms from abroad, such as Japan, altered the fundamental property of Chinese as an independent language. Reassessing the language reform of the May Fourth today, it is evident that the development of the simplified character, the vernacular language, and the pinyin did not achieve the goal of unifying the spoken and written Chinese. Instead by eliminating the classical language, the language reform removed the ability of the vernacular-speaking masses to create a literature of the written words.     

The Truths/Fictions/Traumas of Marikana: Exploring Violence and Trauma in Three Films,The Marikana Massacre: Through The Lens (2013), Miners Shot Down (2014), and Night is Coming: A Threnody for the Victims of Marikana (2014)

ABSTRACT

By exploring three films that centre on the Marikana strikes and killings of 2012, I seek to examine both the representations of violence as trauma, and the trauma of representing violence, within the context of visual, cinematic texts. I position Marikana, and the trauma of Marikana, as both a highly significant moment, and also as representative of deeper social and political traumas and injustices. I ask whether and how these films create a narrative context for this pivotal moment in South African history. I also question the effects of cinematic style and genre in the depictions of trauma and violence. The institutional context in which each film originated and developed is important, and I argue that the audience's expectations of the genre of documentary film also play a significant role in the way in which the films process trauma. I situate my paper in conversation with previous articles by Lucy Graham and Helene Strauss among others, that deal with cinematic portrayals of Marikana. By examining the selected films alongside each other, and through the lens of Decolonial Trauma Studies, I hope to elucidate the ways in which these South African films deal with and work through trauma.     

The Netherlands and Islam: In Defence of Liberalism and Progress?

With the elections of 2012, the main party driving the Islam debate in the Netherlands was sidelined. The new government of Liberals and Social Democrats is trying to re-bury the contentious issue, not least because Islam-related questions have had a confusing effect on their parties. Nonetheless, with societal concerns lingering, the topic is likely to reappear. In the Netherlands, the wariness towards (Islamic) immigration is not rooted in fears of ethnic or religious competition. Instead, it tends to receive serious political attention only when cloaked as a defence of secularist and liberal values. As such, curbing Islamic practices is presented as a way to protect a (self-promoted) image of the Netherlands as a non-judgemental and tolerant place. The paradox remains that that self-image was traditionally meant to include minorities, not to exclude them.