民办高校学生党建工作探赜

民办高校学生党建工作是关系到能否全面贯彻党的教育方针,坚持社会主义办学方向,培养德智体美全面发展合格人才的根本性问题。民办高校学生的特殊性决定了学生党建工作的特殊性和难度。我们积极探索民办高校学生入党积极分子的培养、教育途径和模式,夯实学生党员发展基础,将学生党建工作与思想政治教育有机结合,促进了学生健康成长和全面发展。     

'The birth of bio-politics': Michel Foucault's lecture at the Collège de France on neo-liberal governmentality

This paper focuses on Foucault's analysis of two forms of neo-liberalism in his lecture of 1979 at the Collège de France: German post-War liberalism and the liberalism of the Chicago School. Since the course is available only on audio-tapes at the Foucault archive in Paris, the larger part of the text presents a comprehensive reconstruction of the main line of argumentation, citing previously unpublished source material. The final section offers a short discussion of the methodological and theoretical principles underlying the concept of governmentality and the critical political angle it provides for an analysis of contemporary neo-liberalism.     

社会整合视野下党的青年群众工作探析

在中国走向现代化的过程中,国家需要领导,社会需要整合,青年需要组织.中国共产党作为领导党和执政党,始终居于社会发展的核心地位,从确立价值认同、构建组织网络、综合利益表达、创建和谐秩序等方面整合社会、整合青年.中国社会持续变革,青年群体持续流动与分化.共青团、全国青联、全国学联等党的外围组织需要加强对各自团体成员的组织覆盖和内在影响,不断为党的青年群众工作探索新路径.     

The Public Eye and the Citizen-Voyeur: Photography as a Performance of Power

This paper argues that photography is best grasped not as a medium of visual communication, but as a manifest performance of the power to make visible. As such, photographic practices are central to the experience and demarcation of private/public boundaries in advanced media cultures. In the private domain, photography is both a ritualized domestic activity and provides conventional and definitive representations of the domestic. These functions are ostensibly opposed to photography's role in the public realm: the same visual technology becomes, in the mass media, both the index and agent of publicness itself, with the paparazzi?especially in the aftermath of Princess Diana's death?symbolizing the violation of the private. The paper explores the ways in which photographic performance at the public/private boundary dramatizes power relations through forms of social transparency, voyeurism and memoralization. It also asks whether momentary crises in the dominant scopic regime can provide the basis for alternative ‘uncanny’ visual practices that are tenable and empowering.     

The Tragic and the Political: A Parallel Reading of Kostas Papaioannou and Cornelius Castoriadis

Abstract

The fundamental difference between Castoriadis' and Papaioannou's accounts of the link between tragedy and the political is that Castoriadis insists on a political form (the democratic regime) whilst Papaioannou insists on a social actor (the masses). The starting point for this essay, then, are two thinkers: one whose main interest was a political and philosophical reflection on the social-historical and one whose main interest was a philosophical reflection on the arts. Surprisingly, however, the end situation is one where Castoriadis gives us a political explanation of the link between tragedy and the political whilst Papaioannou gives us a social explanation of the same phenomenon. How can this difference be accounted for? First, distinguishing their respective conceptualisations of the political allows us to see that where one thinker privileges restlessness and revolution, the other privileges law and regime. Second, looking at their depictions of the essential aspects of tragedy places them on opposing sides of the couple hubris-dike, in a way that leads to two radically different conceptualisations of the relation in question.     

关于处理好高校民主党派基层组织与中共党委关系的思考

共产党领导、多党派合作、共产党执政、多党派参政的多党合作的政治格局,是我国政党制度的显著特征,也是我国政党关系的基本内涵。这一新型政党关系模式深深植根于中国社会各个组织当中,高校民主党派成员要充分认识这一政党关系,处理好与中共各级组织的关系,为建设和谐校园发挥参政党的作用。然而,目前高校多党合作制度的实践在制度完善和理念创新上存在薄弱环节。本文从政治、价值观、制度等层面分析了高校政党关系,并提出了一些相关参考意见。     

李穑与《论语》在高丽末期的传播

高丽末期著名学者李穑入主成均馆之后,积极推广朱子学说,研读、讲授《论语》等经典。他还为国王讲授《论语》,并创作了富有特色的《论语》"经筵诗",他的其他诗文也大量引用了《论语》,理学意味很浓厚。由于李穑的这些努力,《论语》的传播随着性理学的发展而呈现出了新的面貌,其在高丽末期政治、文化生活中也发挥了积极的作用。     

SPLM–NCP asymmetrical power relations jeopardise the implementation of the CPA and the future of the Sudan

ABSTRACT

The political instability that has characterised Sudanese politics since independence is attributable to political exclusion, economic neglect and marginalisation. Discrimination based on religion, language and culture has constituted the main contradictions between the masses of the Sudanese people (periphery) and the politically dominant Arabised Nubians (centre) in all the different politico-ideological hues experienced by the nation. Attempts to resolve this contradiction have left the structural imbalances inherited from the colonial administration of the Sudan intact. This explains the resurgence of war, particularly in Southern Sudan. The recent peace agreements between the National Congress Party (NCP), namely the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A); the Darfur Peace Agreement with the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM) (Minawi); the Cairo Agreement with the National Democratic Alliance and the Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement with the Eastern Sudan Front, have left the NCP still in firm control of the oppressive state machinery. The CPA power-sharing protocol awarded the NCP a majority which institutionalises a power asymmetry that the NCP utilises to obstruct implementation of the CPA and delay the process of democratic transformation.

This article analyses the asymmetry in the NCP–SPLM partnership and power relationship. It assumes that the tragic death of Dr. John Garang de Mabior is a major cause of the political weakness demonstrated by the SPLM since 2005. This power imbalance jeopardises the CPA implementation and the future of the Sudan as a state.     

Notes on contributors

In the Kosovo crisis, Germany for the first time since 1955 joined NATO military combat operations in a major way. While this has often been interpreted as a fundamental major departure ('normalisation') in Germany's post‐war foreign policy, this article argues that Germany's willingness to contemplate joining a NATO war even without a mandate by the UN Security Council represents an evolution, rather than a fundamental change in Germany's foreign policy orientation. This evolution can be explained best as a logical and consistent response of Germany's foreign policy identity which reconciled, through modification, its traditional post war foreign policy identity as a ‘civilian power’ to a radically different security environment.     

习近平法治思想对法治基本价值理念的传承与发展

习近平法治思想对法治的基本价值、理念进行了本土化诠释、时代化丰富和理论性创新。其立足我国国情民意和新时代历史方位,对人民民主、宪法法律至上、公平正义、人权保障、权力监督、法律平等等法治基本价值话语作了深层思考与理论凝练,传承发展了我们党长期以来形成的法治价值理念,揭露了西方法治价值理论的缺陷和偏颇,体现了法治价值普遍性与特殊性的统一,为全面依法治国、建设法治中国提供了价值导向和遵循。深入研究习近平关于法治价值的重要论述意义重大,有利于全面深刻理解习近平法治思想的真谛,有利于提升习近平法治思想的感召力与实践力,有利于增强中国特色社会主义法治理论在国际社会的话语权。