论邓小平党政关系思想及其发展——纪念邓小平诞辰100周年

邓小平党政关系思想是建立在对政党政治和以党治国的深刻体会和把握的基础上的.邓小平早在抗日战争时期就率先提出反对以党治国和正确处理党政关系的重要思想.建国后,邓小平针对因种种复杂的历史原因,以党治国的作风在党内逐渐盛行起来,逐步形成党的"一元化"领导体制的现象,对如何正确处理党政关系,进行了长时间的深入思考,提出了一系列重要思想.今天,我们正在改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式,即用新型的党政关系逐步取代传统的党政关系,实现党政关系合理化,进一步丰富和发展邓小平关于党政关系的思想.     

论科学发展观的理论基础和现实依据

马克思主义的社会发展观是科学发展观的前提和基础 ,科学发展观是马克思主义发展观在社会主义新阶段的具体体现。邓小平关于共同富裕的思想 ,江泽民关于保持区域经济协调、健康发展 ,促进社会全面进步的思想 ,是科学发展观的实质内涵 ,传承着马克思主义发展观的内在灵魂和精髓。深刻理解科学发展观的理论渊源和现实依据 ,有助于我们在实践中进一步树立和落实全面、协调、可持续的科学发展观     

政府公共性的理想与现实

理想的政府公共性与现实的政府公共性之间存在着很大差别。理想的政府公共性是纯粹的公共性 ,而现实的政府却具有公共性与自利性二重性 ,且自利性是政府无法克服的必然选择。用公共管理理念改造政府 ,是提高政府公共性程度 ,限制政府自利性扩张的有效举措     

东盟自由贸易区与东盟合作机制--东盟合作机制变迁的社会学考察

东盟自由贸易区建设使东盟合作机制具有了越来越多的正式色彩.这种变化并不是事先刻意而为的,而是为解决协议不执行问题、通过讨价还价逐渐演化而成的.东盟国家之所以没有一味地固守其传统的合作特性,而是有所变化,主要是因为作为一种经济合作安排,东盟自由贸易区不仅关系到东盟国家的经济增长和政治安全,也关系到东盟作为整体在国际上的信誉.     

印尼、马来西亚大选后的政治与经济情况述评

印尼与马来西亚是同文同种并具有共同宗教信仰的国家,国情也有许多相似之处.2004年是两国的大选年,大选后马来西亚巴达维政权稳固发展,印尼苏西洛新政府加大反贪反恐和重建经济的力度,两国将步入稳定发展时期.     

公共外交:信息时代的国家战略工具

信息社会的深入发展不但加强了各国经济的相互依赖,同时也引发了一场新的外交革命.为适应信息时代新的国际环境,世界各国政府正追求和发展一种新的外交形式--公共外交.公共外交是一国政府对其它国家民众施加影响的外交形式,即通过情报、国际信息、文化交流项目、媒体等手段影响其它国家的民众并制造舆论,为一国在海外创设良好的形象,进而增进国家利益的活动,是信息时代各国实现国家战略利益的重要工具.     

Ausmaß, Strukturen und Implikationen präsidialer Macht im postkommunistischen Raum

This research note builds on recent results of the literature on presidentialism to develop a new measure of presidential power. The Index of Presidential Power (IPP) differentiates three dimensions: legitimacy, legislative and non‐legislative powers. The IPP can be used for all types of governmental systems in different political regimes. For the first time the IPP estimates presidential power granted by the constitution in all 28 post‐communist countries. This information is collected in the IPP data set, which is used to carry out analyses at the aggregate level as well as at the level of the individual presidential power dimensions. Results show that the semi‐presidential category is of little use. The comparison of the IPP with alternative indices of presidential power in post‐communist countries indicates that political analysis should give more attention to presidential power structures.     

Whither the Liberal Democratic Model? Immigration Politics in Switzerland and Japan

A comparison of Japan's and Switzerland's immigration policies disclaims both globalist and public choice explanations that would predict a similar increase in immigrant numbers and an expansion of immigrant rights in liberal democracies. Although both countries have traditionally espoused a rather exclusionary approach towards immigration, Japan is unique in having hitherto succeeded in preempting large numbers of immigrants from entering the country and in having avoided the legal and societal integration of those migrants already present in its territory. In seeking to explain the different trajectories followed by immigration politics in Japan and Switzerland, despite their similar internal and external economic constellations, this article highlights the role of domestic institutions and norms in filtering economic pressure for immigration. Whereas these internal determinants explain to a large degree why Switzerland has become a country of immigration while Japan has not, the central factor explaining the recent expansion of foreign residents’ rights in Switzerland lies not so much in internal determinants but in the country‘s progressing approximation to the European Union and its single market. Notwithstanding these differences, the article concludes that Japan‘s greater resistance to change might now have reached a critical juncture, where demographic pressure and economic demand will make an opening up to increased labor migration unavoidable.     

Zwischen Kultur und Kalkül? Vertrauen und Sozialkapital im Kontext der neoinstitutionalistischen Wende

Trust and social capital work in social networks as informal institutions, favouring cooperation between the participants of such social interaction. However, the increasing use of both terms has been accompanied by vanishing conceptual and theoretical precision. In order to counterbalance this development this article tries to clarify some of the major puzzles connected with both terms. First, we embed trust and social capital within the institutionalist turn in political science. Second however, we demonstrate that trust and social capital have been modelled from at least two perspectives: sociological institutionalism and economic institutionalism. Furthermore, attempts of combining those approaches have lead to decreasing theoretical consistency. Finally, we propose that economic institutionalism is theoretically and empirically more fruitful to explain the creation and destruction of social capital.