论传统手工技艺的商业秘密保护

传统手工技艺是非物质文化遗产的重要组成部分。随着全球经济的发展,产业化、国际化进程给传统手工技艺带来了前所未有的冲击,因此,如何保护我国传统手工技艺已刻不容缓。本文从界定传统手工技艺的范畴入手,重点分析了当前我国传统手工技艺的发展现状,并在此基础上提出了适用商业秘密保护传统手工技艺的措施,特别是针对我国传统手工技艺适用商业秘密保护存在的困境,提出了解决对策。     

重新审视暴力手段的基本特征

揭示明确暴力手段的内涵,应当注意把握其基本特征。暴力手段的主观特征包括故意性、目的性两个方面,客观特征包括作为性、强制性、对象性三个方面。     

论《服务贸易总协定》的投资协定性质

《服务贸易总协定》在性质上是各国签订的国际投资协定,并非贸易协定,这是由服务本身的性质造成的。从《服务贸易总协定》的性质和宗旨看,发达国家有意搭多边贸易体制的便车,以服务贸易之名行对外投资之实;从《服务贸易总协定》对服务的分类看,商业存在和自然人流动无疑要伴随着跨国投资;从《服务贸易总协定》对最惠国待遇和国民待遇的规定看,这里的待遇实际上是给予服务的提供者而不仅仅是给予作为商品的服务;从《服务贸易总协定》对市场准入的规定看,市场准入允许服务提供者在他国进行投资设业,这涉及东道国对外资的审批。《服务贸易总协定》的签订,不仅丰富了世界贸易组织的议题,也为世界贸易组织的运行带来了新的挑战。     

我国贸易顺差的成因分析及对策建议

改革开放以来,我国开放型经济发展迅速,外贸顺差不断增加,由此带来贸易摩擦加剧、国内货币政策效应弱化等一系列问题。应从全球战略的高度,从互利双赢的思路来看待贸易平衡问题,推进产业结构、经济结构调整,以化解贸易摩擦,促进全球经济在合作、竞争、创新中和谐发展。     

共建经贸合作区 增强区域经济合作新动力

在中国—东盟自由贸易区建成后新的合作起点上,中国与东盟亟须另辟蹊径,拓展、深化和提升投资合作的形式、内容和效果,在更高层次、更高水平上实现互利共赢、共同发展,而共建经贸合作区就是实现这一目标的现实路径。本文通过对各类多双边合作共建经贸合作区进行研析,探讨部分先行合作区的成功经验,并提出了加强在编制发展规划、优化发展环境、建立协作机制、引导企业入驻、做好宣传推介、多渠道筹措资金等方面的合作建议。     

黑瞎子岛建设自由贸易区的构想与对策

发展对外贸易、促进跨境区域合作是现阶段东北亚区域经济合作的关键拉动因素。为了切实推进黑瞎子岛保税区建设规划,中央政府应给予更加优惠的政策支持,实施境内关外监管模式,从而降低贸易壁垒,提高贸易创造效应和贸易转移效应,进一步推动中俄国际经贸发展,并在远期将黑瞎子岛建成为商品自由流通、资本自由流动、货币自由兑换、人员自由进出的自由贸易区,加速东北亚国际区域经济合作与发展。     

Buying treaties with cigarettes: Internal side‐payments in two level games

Two‐level games models predict that domestic division within a state can alter the extent to which that state is able to reach agreements with other states, and also alter the content of any agreement that is reached. I extend the model by introducing internal side‐payments composed of unrelated domestic issues. Domestic opposition to an international agreement will inhibit cooperation most when the executive and median legislators are in relative agreement about other salient domestic political issues. Domestic opposition to an international agreement will inhibit cooperation least when the executive and median legislators are in relative disagreement about other salient domestic political issues. U.S. ratifications of the NAFTA and the Chemical Weapons Convention illustrate that not all types of domestic division inhibit international cooperation—some can facilitate it     

Environmental effects of GATT/WTO membership: an empirical evaluation

ABSTRACT

One of the great questions for scholars of international relations and economics concerns the relationship between the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the natural environment. Does membership in the multilateral trade regime constrain environmental regulation and increase the environmental burden of national economies? Do countries pay a heavy environmental price for trade liberalization? Although this question has been debated extensively, there is little statistical evidence to contribute the debate. We provide a comprehensive statistical analysis of the environmental effects of joining the multilateral trade regime. We collected data on a variety of environmental policies, institutions, and outcomes that should be influenced by the General Agreementon Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/WTO membership if the predictions of environmental pessimists or optimists are valid. A wide range of statistical models designed to identify the causal effect of the GATT/WTO on the environmental indicators shows that joining the GATT/WTO does not have negative effects on environmental quality.     

The Political Economy of Developing Country Antidumping Investigations against China

This article draws on industry-level data to analyze the political economy of the use of the antidumping statute by 10 less developed countries (LDCs) against China. Test results suggest that Chinese import competition is an important factor explaining the pattern of LDC antidumping initiation against China. Macroeconomic factors such as gross domestic product growth rate also play some role in influencing the pattern of LDC antidumping determination against China. Importantly, statistical analyses did not yield any evidence suggesting that China's membership in the World Trade Organization has disciplined developing countries' use of the antidumping policy. The paper conjectures that China's Most-Favored-Nation status under the World Trade Organization, the designation of China as a nonmarket economy in antidumping investigations until 2016, and the retaliatory incentives generated by the growing deflection of Chinese exports to developing country markets may have overwhelmed the institutional effect of the trade organization in shaping the pattern of LDC antidumping decision making toward China.     

South Africa's financial and economic prospects for the next five years

South African dominance of trade in Africa as well as its position as a regional hegemon was entrenched by the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) with the European Union in 1999. South Africa's full-blown integration into the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) formation since 2011 has brought new dynamics, however, as South Africa now has a marked BRICS orientation. Although the European Union (EU) as a bloc is still South Africa's largest trading partner, China has become South Africa's largest single-country trading partner. The question arises as to whether this new found loyalty makes sense in terms of South Africa's regional position and its trade prospects. Against the background of more intra-industry trade with the EU and the new and growing inter-industry trade with the other BRICS economies, South Africa's trade share of African trade has been in relative decline. This study uses an international political economy framework to analyse South African trade hegemony based on the TDCA and the possible effects of a shift towards BRICS. The conclusion is that, although the shift towards BRICS can politically be justified, economically it should not be at the expense of the benefits of the more advantageous relationship with the EU.