论宪法第三条第四款——也读毛泽东《论十大关系》第五节

1982宪法第三条第四款所规定的中央与地方关系乃是政策式的,并非真正的法律性的规定,即缺乏操作性,因此,实践中的中央与地方关系更多的是靠中央政府与地方政府的权力博奕。既然是作为一种博弈,那么其必然更少地依赖规则,或者说至少不具有"常规化"的外表,而新中国建立以来的包括中央与地方关系在内的政治实践也倾向于这种选择。更重要的是,具备严密组织性的中国共产党在中央及地方的各级组织强有力地支持了这样的处理方式,并且,党组织本身构成了该处理方式的重要组成部分。     

以创新驱动战略助推东营“两个率先”目标实现

根据党的十八大关于驱动创新战略任务和东营市努力实现“两个率先”的目标要求,系统地思考东营市实施创新驱动发展战略,推进东营市达成实现目标条件,对科技进步和创新提出了更加全面、更加紧迫的需求。深刻认识并充分发挥科技创新的支撑引领作用,制定和实施创新驱动战略,完善区域科技创新体系,全力依靠创新驱动提高发展的质量和效益,是实现“两个率先”目标的保障。     

论长株潭“两型”社会建设视野下生态道德意识的培养

长株潭"两型"社会建设的本质就是实现生态化发展,而实现生态化发展最根本最有效地手段是提高全体社会成员生态道德意识。为此,要从政府决策宏观层次、企业中观层次和社会公众微观层次三方面来提高生态道德意识,同时,还应发挥学校教育在环境道德意识培养中的特殊作用以及加强环保部门组织协调作用。     

检察公益“两诉”衔接机制探析——以“检察公益诉讼解释”的完善为切入

民事公益诉讼与行政公益诉讼在内容和功能上大量重叠,但又各自具有不可替代的独特部分,故二者既不能当然并立,也不能绝对排斥,而应通过衔接机制在避免重复的情况下形成“互补”关系。为此,“检察公益诉讼解释”应增加“两诉衔接”一章,从诉前、诉中和诉后三阶段作出相应规定。     

"第二轨道外交"与东盟地区论坛

作为"东盟方式"的延伸,东盟地区论坛与"第二轨道外交"有着千丝万缕的联系.本文从东盟地区论坛的成立及运作两个层面分析了"第二轨道外交"与东盟地区论坛的相互联系,文章指出,"第二轨道外交"促成了东盟地区论坛的产生并成为论坛体系不可分割的一部分.     

关于科学执政研究的两个问题

科学执政在实现党的执政方式重大转换过程中,具有十分重要的地位与作用,它标志着我们党执政理念的一次新飞跃。科学执政要探索和遵循共产党执政规律、社会主义建设规律和人类社会发展规律。科学的思想是科学执政的理论先导,科学的制度是科学执政的行为规范,科学的方法是科学执政的重要形式。在正确认识科学执政的本质时,要坚持中国共产党科学执政内涵中的中国特色。     

So Close But So Far: Voting Propensity and Party Choice for Left‐Wing Parties

While the bulk of the literature focuses on the vote for parties from different blocs, the purpose of our article is to study the vote for two parties that are ideologically very close to each other: The Social Democrats and the Greens in Switzerland. To that end, we develop a two‐step model, where voters first make a selection of parties that are acceptable to them and then make their electoral choice out of this set of acceptable alternatives. We use voting propensities as a measure of the first, consideration step and we show that they strongly depend on the distance between voters and parties on the Left–Right scale. With regard to the second, choice stage of the electoral process we hypothesize about the factors that may account for the varying ability of the two parties to convert potential voters into real voters. Our empirical tests provide encouraging support for our hypotheses regarding the impact of socio‐demographic variables and issue voting. Strategic considerations, by contrast, do not seem to matter.     

武汉城市圈发展战略研究

“两型社会”发展战略的确立,既为武汉城市圈的发展带来新的历史机遇,同时也面临诸多挑战。该文从武汉城市圈的实际情况出发,基于“两型社会”发展战略框架,探索性地提出加快武汉城市圈发展的三大具体战略,即绿金经济和结构调整同步发展、金融强市和科技发展深度结合以及政府管理和市场模式创新互动,以期为政府相关部门提供决策依据和参考。     

对新型城市圈功能内涵和可持续发展的探讨

作为两型社会建设综合试验区的武汉城市圈是一种新型城市圈,这种新型城市圈具有和传统城市圈不同的目标功能定位和功能内涵,并构成区域经济的发展极而不是增长极,两型社会建设是对新型城市圈发展的积极的良性约束。为了保证新型城市圈的可持续发展,需要建立制度化的创新机制,只有制度化的创新才是新型城市圈可持续的活力源泉。     

Hong Kong can develop its capitalist system only under the framework of the “One China, Two Systems” policy

Hong Kong is an administrative and economic entity under the sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China, and has developed to be an international center for finance, trade and shipping for history reasons and international favor. Essentially, the local political system adopted by Hong Kong is that of a non-sovereign state as well as a non-political entity. In terms of its makeup, the political system is neither entirely occidental nor completely oriental but an administrative dominative system developed according to Hong Kong’s peculiar characteristics, which has been proved to be effective. It was true when the United Kingdom held the reins of power and it still continues since its territory was returned to the People’s Republic of China. This paper is delivered in the conference “The Evolution of ‘One Country, Two Systems’ in Hong Kong and Macao: Implication for Canada” held by University of Waterloo, Canada on March 24, 2006.