潮流与现实悖反：我国机关法人之定位与重构

虽然国内外主流公私法理论基本认可国家主体性二元结构理论，大陆法传统更是认可国家的法人地位而否定国家机关的法人资格，并在立法上形成了公共机构非法人化的事实，但我国受前苏联国家特殊民事主体理论和国家机关法人理论影响，从20世纪50年代开始，就在立法和理论上认可了国家机关的法人地位并延续至今。我国这种国家机关全面法人化的立法事实不仅与世界范围内存在的非法人化潮流形成逆反，造成公法人向私法的遁入，而且与我国司法实践中普遍存在的国家机关的非法人化形成悖反，使机关法人的独立责任在相当程度上成为虚名。因此，在界分公法与私法的基础上，将国家机关的行为主要限定在公法领域，从而在私法领域中原则上否定其独立法人地位，只令其具有辅助国家私法人格与公共职能实现之作用，只有为实现公共利益与公共职能之必要时，例外地承认其独立法人地位。     

苏联为什么会终结?

1991年 3月17日全苏公投仍有高达 76%民众支持保留共同国家.但不到 9 个月之后,别洛韦日森林声明即宣布苏联终止存在.假如在公投举行以后,不是采取建立主权国家联盟的方针,而是循序渐进地建立一个"软"联邦,一开始仅限于建议签订建立共同经济空间的协议,分离主义者的目的就不会达到."8·19"事件更多是起了雷管的作用.先前的发展方式挖了苏联的墙角.导致苏联垮台的深层次经济原因体现在行政管理体系的结构性危机上.而由国家结构中长期缺乏联邦制引发的中央与各加盟共和国关系的危机,是苏联解体的另一个最重要的原因.保留苏共作为确保苏联统一的机制,其必要条件是党本身的民主化.制约苏共民主化的主要力量是党的机关,它实际上处于选举出来的党的机构之上.在帮助苏联走出经济困境方面,西方甚至"连手指头都没有动一下".而困难至极的经济形势在很大程度上注定了苏联的解体.     

Is Brazil becoming a “boring” country?

The article looks at the condition of Brazil's political system in light of the 1998 electoral results. It critically examines arguments that electoral volatility, political fragmentation and weak institutionalisation have produced a highly unstable political system unsuitable for sound policy‐making and processing change. While not underestimating the influence of electoral rules, it argues that given the combination of political, institutional and economic turmoil of the 1980s, it is not surprising that electoral volatility over the period was amongst the highest in the world. Arguably, however, these factors are now having a diminished impact on the political system, lessening volatility and allowing the emergence of a more institutionalised party system.     

社会管理创新视域下高校教职工利益维护长效机制研究

为顺应时代变迁和"场域"置换等所带来的挑战,有效回应高校教职工利益诉求,社会管理机制是应对的一种新理论。就高校的工会工作而言,可以通过"有为"来实现"有位"。为此,需要建立健全高校教职工利益维护的长效机制,即利益表达、补偿、保障、激励、促生机制,从而使高校工会的"精"、"气"、"神"得到高度统一,有效维护高校教职工的切身利益。     

基层工会开展工资集体协商的策略研究

工资集体协商是今后工会在维护职工权益、建设和谐劳动关系工作中的一出重头戏，因此，在协商代表组合、提案目标拟定及协商的策略与技巧等方面提出较高的要求。也是保障劳动关系双方的合法权益、建立工资正常增长机制、增强企业员工凝聚力的必要条件。     

La ñata contra el vidrio: urban violence and democratic governability in Argentina

The article argues that the increase in crime and urban violence in Argentina, especially in Buenos Aires, can be explained as an outcome of the interaction of four factors: the new social relations established by neoliberalism; the incapacity of the state to resolve the social conflicts which have arisen from these new social relations; the failure to democratise the security forces; and the exclusion of a sector of society from the rights of effective democratic citizenship. The increase in crime and urban violence is, thus, analysed as a problem of governability.     

Transatlantic Economic Relations in a Changing Global Political Economy: Achieving Togetherness but Missing the Bus?

This article focuses on the changing context for transatlantic relations within the global political economy. The first part of the article identifies key areas of structural change in the GPE and in particular the potentially revolutionary shifts caused by global instability and the emergence of new economic powers. The argument then explores changing patterns of economic relations between the EU and the US, within a general framework of continuity created by the coexistence of competition and convergence. These contextual factors are then related to patterns of Atlanticism and transatlanticism, to questions of values and identities in the GPE and to the possibility of an EU–US 'grand strategy' for the changing GPE. The conclusion argues that although there is perhaps more secure ground for a sustainable EU–US 'compact' than previously, the EU and the US may have 'missed the bus' in terms of jointly shaping the future of the global economy.     

Was treibt die Stimmbürger an die Urne? Eine empirische Untersuchung der Abstimmungsbeteiligung in der Schweiz, 1981‐1999

Zunächst werden die theoretischen Überlegungen kurz dargelegt, die zur Entscheidungs‐ bzw. zur Mobilisierungshypothese führen. Zudem wird die Theorie des ‘expressiven Wählens’ vorgestellt, und es wird auf zwei weitere Hypothesen über Bestimmungsgründe der Stimmbeteiligung eingegangen. Danach wird der Schätzansatz beschrieben, bevor wir uns mit den empirischen Ergebnissen beschäftigen. Sie sprechen nicht nur sehr stark für die Mobilisierungs‐ und gegen die Entscheidungshypothese, sondern zumindest bei den fakultativen Referenden spielen auch die erwarteten (bzw. befürchteten) finanziellen Auswirkungen eine entscheidende Rolle. Allerdings sind sie nur bedingt mit der Theorie des expressiven Wählens vereinbar.     

“第三条道路”：从理论到实践的尝试

＂第三条道路＂是吉登斯的重要理论。它既是一种新的社会思潮,也是被欧洲各国竞相采用的政治策略。通过对＂第三条道路＂发展脉络的梳理和对其理论内容、实践政策的回顾,可知＂第三条道路＂并非是放之四海而皆准的真理。尤其在当前金融危机的冲击下,奉行＂第三条道路＂的社会民主主义者们必须提出相应的应急政策,才能渡过难关。同时认为,任何一种政治思潮、政治力量,能否生存和发展,能否对现实社会生活产生影响和影响力的大小,取决于它能否制订和推行与其自身价值和政治取向一致并与特定环境条件相吻合的理论纲领和政策策略。     

Strategic Standardization in Europe: A Public Choice Perspective

In October 1990, the EC Commission presented a Green Paper in which it outlined a New Approach to European standardization. In particular, standardization was interpreted as a means of furthering the completion of the Internal Market. This paper discusses the impact of the modifications to the process of standard setting, as they have been proposed by the Commission, with respect to the incentives and goals of the major players in the European standardization game, i.e., national and European standardization bodies, industry and the EC Commission. Selected economic models of standardization are applied to investigate the policy impact of the New Approach.