Susi Versus the rest: the political economy of the fisheries industry in Indonesia during Jokowi’s first term

ABSTRACT

Indonesian Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister, Susi Pudjiastuti, has become a political superstar on the back of the media attention gained with her tough stance in fighting illegal fishing since 2014. But, beyond the headlines, little is known of the political struggles unleashed by her approach, on how her policies have affected the political economy of the industry, and on whether her reforms are sustainable. Drawing on over 30 in-depth interviews, this article fills the gap. The picture that emerges is complex and fluid: the minister has made progress in limiting the reach of the foreign-led fisheries mafia, but achieved limited success in convincing Indonesians to invest in the industry or in building a constituency to support her drive. Through the lens of the political economy of the fisheries, this article also offers a window into how politics is contested in increasingly ‘populist’ Indonesia.     

What do forensic analysts consider relevant to their decision making?

In response to research demonstrating that irrelevant contextual information can bias forensic science analyses, authorities have increasingly urged laboratories to limit analysts' access to irrelevant and potentially biasing information (Dror and Cole (2010) [3]; National Academy of Sciences (2009) [18]; President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (2016) [22]; UK Forensic Science Regulator (2015) [26]). However, a great challenge in implementing this reform is determining which information is task-relevant and which is task-irrelevant. In the current study, we surveyed 183 forensic analysts to examine what they consider relevant versus irrelevant in their forensic analyses. Results revealed that analysts generally do not regard information regarding the suspect or victim as essential to their analytic tasks. However, there was significant variability among analysts within and between disciplines. Findings suggest that forensic science disciplines need to agree on what they regard as task-relevant before context management procedures can be properly implemented. The lack of consensus about what is relevant information not only leaves room for biasing information, but also reveals foundational gaps in what analysts consider crucial in forensic decision making.     

《中华人民共和国仲裁法》修改暨中国仲裁协会章程起草研究工作座谈会综述

国务院法制办于2006年4月18~20日在厦门主持召开了《仲裁法》修改暨中国仲裁协会章程起草研究工作座谈会。出席会议的有国务院法制办领导以及全国十几家仲裁机构的主要负责人等。与会代表围绕此次会议的两个主要议题积极发言,献计献策,最终形成了一个面向全国仲裁机构征求意见的《仲裁法》修改草案,并且初步完成了中国仲裁协会章程的起草工作,为进一步征求各方意见并最终成立协会做好了准备。     

Lanzhou Univ. of Tech., Lanzhou 730050

C square-wave pulse inverter controlled by DSP was introduced. TMS320-serial DSP produced by Texas Instruments Corp., its developing environment and program flow, and the use of the software CCS were also introduced. According to the requirement of output waveform, the main program of control system, interruption service routine, and subroutines were designed by using modularized software design method. Offline and online experimental results indicated t     

20世纪90年代以来中国公民资格权利的发展

从公民资格权利发展角度考察我国的社会转型有利于分析、解释国家面临的挑战和宏观发展轨迹。1990年代以来,在市场经济的发展、社会的分化和利益的多元化、社会公平问题、政府转型的大背景下,我国公民资格权利取得了一定进展:与市场经济建设相关的公民权利内容进一步发展,民主政治的实践使公民政治权利的形式和内容有所充实,社会权利的保护和发展尚处于探索当中。从宏观角度看,公民资格诸权利呈现出分化发展和相互推动的特点;国家主导制度构建与公民积极行使权利构成公民资格权利发展的双动力;户籍制度对权利的分等作用弱化,平等的公民资格权利的普遍化进程加速;程序性权利的设置与保障仍然不足,呈现出探索性特征。     

现代化与近代以来中国政治发展的相关理论问题

现代文明是一种独特的文明模式,其历史渊源是欧洲传统文明。中国传统文明具有独特性,它采取的是政教合一的秩序实现模式,有自身的演进逻辑。中国传统文明与现代文明本是两个不相干的系统。从政治发展的角度看,中国现代化实质上是一场秩序模式革命,包括传统政治整合模式的解构和现代秩序模式的创建。与欧洲特别是英国“顺势现代化”模式相比,中国的现代化属于“逆势现代化”,其过程的复杂性和艰巨性主要在于,在现代化的启动初期,就必须在共同体的宏观层面展开对传统秩序模式的解构。     

鲍德里亚符号政治经济学批判的一般理论建构

符号政治经济学批判是鲍德里亚早期思想建构中的重要内容,也是他分析消费社会的理论平台。鲍德里亚认为,使用价值与交换价值的区分同符号的能指与所指的区分具有理论的同质性,在消费社会中,能指与所指的区分构成了现代资本主义合法性的前提。这决定了马克思的政治经济学批判只有发展为符号政治经济学批判,才能揭示消费过程中意识形态的产生过程。也正是在这一思考中,鲍德里亚离开了马克思,经过《生产之镜》转向后马克思思潮。     

中国外交的大局意识

大局意识是中国外交决策的一个重要因素。保持社会稳定、维护国家安全,是坚持以经济建设为中心这个大局的前提条件。中国在制定外交政策和在外交工作中,坚决反对别国干涉中国内政,切实维护中国的政治稳定;努力发展与各国特别是主要大国的关系,促进中国的经济稳定;妥善处理敏感涉外事件,避免引发国内社会不稳定因素;加强与国际社会特别是邻国的合作,共同打击恐怖主义、分裂主义和跨国犯罪,维护民族团结和国家统一。     

Corporatism packaged in pluralist ideology: the case of Slovenia

Corporatism has been an influential doctrine in the Slovenian polity since its beginning. After the onset of democratization in the early 1990s, its influence remains strong. Forms of corporatism are embodied in the National Council as the second chamber of parliament, in the chamber system, the system of social partnership and the RTVS (Public Television of Slovenia) Council. It is also present in certain socio-political priorities such as a higher value being placed on partnership over competition, on fairness over human rights, on community over individualism. Social pluralism has always been a part of Slovenian public life. Political pluralism emerged at the end of the 19th century and was never fully developed. There has always been a strong inclination in the political life of Slovenia to organize around interest groups and editorial boards of various publications, a tendency that reveals a plurality of voices but a general unwillingness to fight for political power. It could also be concluded that the development of pluralism in Slovenia relies heavily on corporatism because of the general lack of liberal foundations.     

试论破坏选举罪适用范围之扩展

民主选举是社会主义民主的重要体现和保障，现实中破坏选举的行为层出不穷。而破坏选举罪适用范围上过于狭窄，致使不少严重危害行为置于刑法的射程之外。因此，应将破坏选举罪适用范围扩展到相当范围的政治性选举活动，具体到我国，应包涵基层群众自治组织选举、中国共产党党内选举、人民政治协商会议选举、各级人大代表法律议案表决活动等国家政治生活中重要的选举。