What voters want from their parties: Testing the promise-keeping assumption

How should party governments make representative democracy? Much of the democracy representation literature assumes that voters prefer parties to fulfill the promises of their election campaigns, with higher preference for promise-keeping placed on the party a voter supports. That voters agree with these assumptions, however, remains largely unclear and this is the main hypothesis of this article. Within the context of Australia, this article investigates voter preferences regarding three ideal party representative styles: promise-keeping, focus on public opinion, and seeking the common good. Furthermore, it tests whether voters prefer their party – over other parties – to keep their promises. Based on novel and innovative survey data, this study finds that, generally, voters care least about parties keeping their promises and their preferences are unaffected by their party support. These results, if confirmed in other contexts, not only challenge the primacy of promise-keeping, but also the assumed ubiquitous party effect.     

What consideration sets can teach us about electoral competition: A two-hurdle model

Consideration set models (CSMs) offer a novel way to study electoral behavior. Until now, they have been mostly studied at the micro-level of the voter's decision process. By contrast, we focus on the implications of CSMs for understanding the phenomenon of party competition. We propose a two hurdle model whereby parties compete for both consideration and selection, pursuant the consideration and choice stages of the CSM. We operationalize these hurdles in terms of a party's inclusivity—is it being considered?—and exclusivity—is it considered on its own?—and formally derive lower- and upper-bounds for the electoral fortunes of the party. We also show how consideration set data can be used to sketch the competition landscape in an election and to characterize the system-wide competitiveness of a political system. We illustrate our concepts and ideas using data from the 2010 Dutch and 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections.     

提升高校教师教与学的领导力(英文)

Learning and teaching in universities in higher education plays a very important role.In order to improve the quality of learning and teaching for teachers to cope with the reform and challenge nowadays,leadership can help to handle with the difficult situation.The more important is to arouse the teachers’ awareness.This assignment reviews the leadership’s several aspects and raised some suggestions for discussion based on the challenge coming from the work place.     

中国特色政党制度理论体系的理论基础研究

中国特色政党制度理论体系的理论基础包括三方面:马列主义多党合作思想是中国特色政党制度理论体系的理论渊源;马克思主义中国化的政党理论形成是中国特色政党制度理论体系的直接理论基础,标志着中国特色政党制度理论体系的初步形成;中国特色人民民主理论是中国特色政党制度理论体系的立论基石,是贯穿于整个理论体系的主线。     

文化育人视域下高校青年马克思主义者培养模式研究

文化育入与“青马”培养存在内在联系，“青马”人格特质要求培育机理中具有价值观融合、全时空教化和社会化培育等特征，而能够有效实现这些机能的最好途径就是文化育人。文化育人视域下“青马”培养理念是：内化于心、融化于制、外化于行和固化于物。紧密结合“青马”培养理念制定培养路径，通过科学的培养机制与规范对大学生骨干进行反复的激励、约束和训练，把社会主义核心价值体系点滴、持续地锻造和内化为“青马”的恒定品行。     

从就业影响因素看高职生综合素质培养

在我国，高等职业教育相对于教育的历史还是一件新生事物，高职生这一特定群体的综合素质也呈现出自己独特的一面。目前由于高职院校课程设置中理论学习与实践操作的失衡、人文素养教育的缺失、校园文化建设的不足等方面的因素导致高职院校毕业生综合素质受到一定影响，进而对其就业产生了负面影响。因此积极探索提高高职生综合素质的途径就应成为高职院校的重要工作之一。     

增强社会主义意识形态的吸引力和凝聚力——基于高校思想政治教育工作的考量

增强社会主义意识形态的吸引力和凝聚力，是党的十七大提出的文化建设的重大战略任务。当代大学生是我国青年人中知识较丰富、思想较敏锐的群体，是祖国的未来、民族的希望。在社会思想大活跃、观念大碰撞、文化大交融的背景下，如何保证和增强社会主义意识形态对大学生群体的吸引力和凝聚力，这是社会主义意识形态领域中备受关注的内容之一，也是大学生思想政治教育中遇到的一个重大课题。积极探索增强社会主义意识形态对大学生吸引力的有效途径，对于在全社会开展社会主义核心价值体系的宣传教育，增强社会主义意识形态的吸引力和凝聚力大有裨益。     

试论中国特色政党制度功能与价值的变动规律

中国特色政党制度的功能与价值在不同的历史时期呈现出不同的特点，在同一历史时期不同功能发挥的强弱也有较大差异。这表明：政党制度的功能与价值在特定的历史阶段有主导与非主导方面，但随着社会政治生态和社会结构的变迁其主导与非主导方面也是变动不居的。对中国特色政党制度功能与价值的主导与非主导方面及其变动规律进行研究，明确现阶段我国政党制度功能与价值建设的着力点，可以为推进中国特色政党制度发展提供必要的目标指向。     

国内行政哲学研究现状分析——以1989--2008年CNKI篇名含“行政哲学”的文献为分析对象

行政哲学作为一门仍处于襁褓之中的新兴学科，它的的一些基础性问题，如行政哲学的研究对象、行政哲学的研究内容、行政哲学的研究方法等都有待于学者作进一步的探寻与思考。通过对已有的文献进行分析和总结，期望能够推动国内行政哲学研究的进一步发展。