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11.
This article analyses the inaugural National Day Rally speeches of three Singapore prime ministers. It locates these speeches in the continuous ideological work that the People's Action Party (PAP) government has to do in order to maintain consensus and forge new alliances among classes and social forces that are being transformed by globalisation. Increasingly, these speeches have had to deal with the contradictions between nation-building and the tensions between the liberal and reactionary tendencies of the global city. It is argued that such a situation has made it futile for the government to attempt a straightforward ideological mobilisation of the people into a relatively homogeneous national community. The PAP government's ideological struggle to forge consensus has been balanced by a strategy of divide-and-rule. Ironically, the rally speeches have been as much about dividing as they have been about uniting.  相似文献   
12.
在抗战胜利纪念日前后举行各种形式纪念活动,是建国以来全国乃至各地的传统,有着独特的价值。建国以来抗战胜利纪念日经历了从"八一五"到"九三",从行政法规到国家立法的双重变化。抗战胜利纪念活动,包括全国性和地方性活动,经历了从新中国成立初期的高潮到20世纪50年代中后期开始的回落,再到改革开放后多样化、常态化、规范化的过程。抗战胜利纪念活动以对抗战精神的弘扬,发挥着强化历史教育、彰显国家意志、服务外交战略的功能。  相似文献   
13.
ABSTRACT

This article was developed from a paper presented at the Unesco World Philosophy Day Symposium hosted by the University of South Africa, 21 November 2006, under the theme ‘Philosophy and 159 years of Africa's Independence.’ It explores the subject through the prism of African humanity from the perspectives of Western philosophy, traditional African philosophy and contemporary African philosophy, exposing the weaknesses of each in their treatment of the African. Throughout, the article endeavours to deconstruct the elitist self-image of the discipline and concludes by questioning the utility of philosophy in enhancing development in modern Africa.  相似文献   
14.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):18-36
Griffiths describes how, after its publication in January 1940, Unfinished Victory, a clearly pro-Nazi and antisemitic book by the historian Arthur Bryant, could arouse little adverse comment from the majority of its reviewers, and positive en­thusiasm from a good number of them. This examination will cause us to revise some of the usual presumptions about public opinion in relation to Nazi Germany in the period of the ‘phoney war’, and to reinforce others about the British public’s basic unconcern in relation to manifestations of antisemitism. Moreover, the belief, widely held until now, that the British public reacted violently against Bryant’s book, and that he himself immediately realized his mistake, is shown to be untrue. Bryant’s reactions to some of the few critical reviews of his book, and his correspondence with his publisher, show him to have been confident of the rightness of his attitude, as does his decision, some time after the book’s appearance, to send complimentary copies to the royal family and the prime minister. It was only after the fall of Chamberlain and the advent of ­Churchill, and the arrests of ‘fellow travellers’ in May 1940, that Bryant appears to have realized his mistake; he then bought up copies of the book, and started to write those patriotic works for which he is far more famous. An interesting aspect of the subject is Bryant’s relationship with his publisher Harold Macmillan. Surprisingly, given his anti-appeasement attitudes, Macmillan positively encouraged Bryant to produce the book, and seems to have been little affected at that time by its attitudes to Nazi Germany or by its antisemitic flavour. Given the reactions of some of his anti-­appeasement colleagues, however, he soon swung against it after its publication. His correspondence thereafter with Bryant, as he tried under various pretexts to remove him from the Macmillan list, is very revealing, as are Bryant’s knowing reactions.  相似文献   
15.
The article addresses one facet of the representation puzzle, namely substantive minority representation in the UK House of Commons. It examines whether a religious Jewish and Muslim minority background stimulates politicians from these backgrounds to address issues of concern for Jewish and Muslim minority groups in Early Day Motions (EDMs), and compares the effects from identity-based and institutional predictors. The study draws upon previous studies that used low-cost parliamentary activities to assess the impact of gender and ethnic minority identities on the representation of women and ethnic minorities, employing quantitative content analysis and time-series cross-sectional data analysis to examine the content of EDMs sponsored by members of parliament from Jewish and Muslim background (plus a control group) between 1997 and 2012. The analyses test for the effects of religious background and institutional predictors on the likelihood of referring to minority issues. They show that identity-based predictors such as a religious background are vastly inferior to institutional factors, including a legislative role, representing a constituency with a significant proportion of minority population, and the length of parliamentary service, in determining such references.  相似文献   
16.
主题团日活动这一高校德育重要阵地在新形势下逐渐显现它的不足之处。我们将此工作以情感为核心创新思路,着眼点从单纯的"以理服人"转移到与"以情感人"并重上来,在构建情感认同、增强主体体验性和激发主动参与性三个方面进行积极探索,使这一阵地重新焕发生机。  相似文献   
17.
当今世界各国在民事司法改革中施行的小额诉讼程序,目的既在于提高诉讼效率、减轻法院负担,也在于实现司法的大众化.日本的一日审理原则、韩国的履行劝告制度为我国小额诉讼程序的构建提供了很好的参考与借鉴.我国小额诉讼的具体制度设计中,审理方式、证据调查、诉讼费用、法官释明义务等问题还亟待解决.  相似文献   
18.
Peter Skerry 《Society》2008,45(1):46-52
The situations of nineteenth century dock workers and today’s immigrant day laborers bear striking similarities and challenges, especially for those seeking to organize them into labor unions. The obstacles confronting such organizing efforts also underscore the legitimate concerns many Americans have about the threats to social order posed by immigrants today.
Peter SkerryEmail:
  相似文献   
19.
Voter registration in the United States changed after the 2000 election with a requirement that states adopt statewide voter registries. However, these registries vary in design in practice, with some states having state managed “top–down” registries and other states having more decentralized “bottom–up” registries. I compare the effect of moving to a top–down registry with the adoption of Election Day registration – where voters can register to vote the day of the election – on voters saying that they are not registered because of election management problems or not voting because of a voter registration issue. EDR had a pronounced effect on reducing voter registration problems but the adoption of new voter registries had minimal effect on the same problems.  相似文献   
20.
The Catholic Worker and the Community of the Ark are two of the 20th century’s most important experiments in nonviolent communal life. This article explores the history of these movements, highlights their similarities and differences, and reflects upon the contributions that these movements have made to the quest for a more just and peaceful world.  相似文献   
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