China and Africa: economic growth and a non-transformative political elite

Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development.     

Defining Environmental Justice Communities for Regulatory Enforcement: Implications from a Block‐Group‐Level Analysis of New York State

The absence of a clear definition of environmental justice areas has been cited as one of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's major deficiencies in managing federal environmental justice programs. Several states have explicitly defined potential environmental justice areas and integrated targeted efforts into the policy‐making process. At the block‐group level, this study evaluates the effects of New York State's environmental justice policy, which defines communities of concern in terms of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as well as mandates supplemental regulatory enforcement activities for these neighborhoods, on the agency's policy implementation practices under the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act. The empirical findings suggest that there is inconclusive evidence regarding race/ethnicity‐ and class‐based environmental inequity. Also, the state's policy intervention is not universally effective. Moreover, task environments of a given community are a consistent determinant of the agency's regulatory compliance monitoring and assurance activities. This study then derives broader implications regarding the adoption of a policy instrument that defines and screens potential environmental justice communities.     

论地区与国家的相互塑造

本文以地区而不是传统上占主导地位的国际体系作为理解和解释国际政治与国家行为的概念基础,构建起一个地区与国家相互塑造的分析框架。透过这个框架,可以解释:地区对国家的地位与权力、认同与观念、政策与行为的塑造;与此同时,国家的相对权力及其变化、观念和政策及其转变还对地区体系和制度秩序的形成产生一定影响。从动态的角度来看,地区与融入其中的国家处于相互塑造的过程中。彼此从对方那里吸取不同的元素,并以不同的方式相互进行重塑和改造。地区与国家之间存在基于过程选择的互动关系,它为理解改革开放以来中国外交政策的调整以及与亚太周边地区变化中的新关系提供了理论视角。     

Perceived threat of crime,authoritarianism, and the rise of a populist president in the Philippines

President Duterte of the Philippines implemented an open “war” on drugs based upon claims of an over-proliferation of illegal drugs in the country. Despite summary killings of suspected users and dealers, Duterte enjoys popular support among Filipinos. This paper assesses reasons behind the support using citizens’ perceptions of the severity of the drugs/crime problem, their punitiveness, and authoritarian attitudes as explanations. A sample of 114 Filipinos across Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao responded to an electronic survey about socio-legal issues. Results show that drugs/crime are perceived as serious problems nationally yet only minor problems locally. This perceived national seriousness is significantly related to support for Duterte. Trust in the law and enforcement agents, an authoritarian attitude, and region are also strongly related to support for Duterte. This paper concludes with reflections on information manipulation as means to advance political ends and the importance of context in furthering theories of authoritarian submission.     

If i Go There Will Be Trouble,If i Stay There Will Be Double: Revenge Porn,Domestic Violence,and Family Offenses

New York State's current lack of legislation criminalizing the threat of revenge porn allows repetitive, invasive, and embarrassing attacks on the morality and sexuality of victims. This can have a severe impact on survivors of domestic violence who are prevented from leaving dangerous situations by threats of dissemination. Victims of revenge porn and domestic violence often face isolation, threats of violence, and thoughts of suicide. This Note proposes that threats of revenge porn become family offenses under the New York Family Court Act § 812.     

从“卡翁达诉南非共和国总统案”看外交保护的另一种国家实践

外交保护的实施过程可以区分为国内决策阶段和利用国际法向侵害本国人权利的相对国采取措施的阶段。因此,在国内决策阶段中有一种不可忽视的实践,那就是认为从国内法角度来看国家负有以一切可能方式保护本国公民的义务。但是,实际上外交是国家行为,它代表国民的整体利益。因而在具体个案中可能需要从大局出发采取和缓的方式对权益受侵害的国民进行保护或放弃保护。但,必须建立有效的机制以沟通被害者和实行外交保护的公权力机构。在对公共利益和私人利益进行取舍时,可能需要考虑相应的补偿问题。以此为出发点,对将以外交保护方式保护国民作为国家宪法义务的国家实践进行研究。     

党的现代化与国家现代化:历史的契合与现实的互动

党的现代化与国家现代化密切相关,现代革命需要现代政党来领导;领导国家与社会现代化建设的政党,必须是一个现代化政党。从历史发展看,是历史选择了中国共产党,历史的试错法也证明了共产党能够救中国。中国共产党的诞生,是现代国家意识觉醒、民族独立、主权独立呼唤现代政党的产物;新中国成立,为我国现代化建设奠定了基础;社会主义革命与社会主义改造,为我国现代化建设指明了方向。改革开放以前,党建国家、党治国家,以党的建设、党的领导推动国家现代化建设,是我国政党建设与国家建设的突出特点。改革开放以后,党的建设与国家建设呈现出良性互动关系。当前乃至将来一段时间,党的建设要适应社会主义现代化建设的要求,从而进一步实现党的现代化。     

人权的普遍性根据与实现人权的文化前提

人的自由的绝对性使人拥有绝对的人权,维护与实践人权作为一种自觉的要求,要以对人的自由本质与绝对权利的自觉为前提,也就是要以启蒙文化为前提,而启蒙文化需要由文化启蒙来造就.这意味着,既不可能以武力推行人权,也不可能以任何文化传统的特殊性为借口拒绝人权.人权的绝对性与民族主义国家理论并无学理上的关联,一个主权实体内部的人权...     

论当代的神权政治——伊斯兰原教旨主义

欧洲中世纪确立了以基督教为主体的神权政治思想,伴随着西欧封建社会的瓦解,神权政治体系随之解体。伊斯兰教在自身发展史上也曾确立了神权政治思想,随着20世纪70年代以来伊斯兰原教旨主义运动在世界各地的勃然兴起,神权政治再次引起广泛关注。伊斯兰原教旨主义的兴起应得益于其本身所独有的复古机制,伊斯兰教本身所持有的教条使其产生带有某种必然性,同时,宗教政治化、政治宗教化的传统为伊斯兰原教旨主义提供了政治合法性的根基。     

“满铁”对华经济掠夺问题新探

南满洲铁道株式会社对中国的经济掠夺,是以股份公司的形式作为伪装,执行日本帝国主义侵略掠夺中国的对外政策。＂满铁＂依靠特权建立起一个超乎中国主权和法律之上的＂满铁王国＂,构成了日本国家资本为主导,日本产业托拉斯和中小私人资本为辅助的经济体系。＂满铁＂通过这套经济体系,利用显性和隐性两种方式对我国进行经济掠夺、政治扩张、文化渗透,对中国的经济结构和民族工业造成了异常严重的破坏。