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61.
In this paper, we present the development of a Bilingual Sentiment Analysis Lexicon (BiSAL) for cyber security domain, which consists of a Sentiment Lexicon for ENglish (SentiLEN) and a Sentiment Lexicon for ARabic (SentiLAR) that can be used to develop opinion mining and sentiment analysis systems for bilingual textual data from Dark Web forums. For SentiLEN, a list of 279 sentiment bearing English words related to cyber threats, radicalism, and conflicts are identified and a unifying process is devised to unify their sentiment scores obtained from four different sentiment data sets. Whereas, for SentiLAR, sentiment bearing Arabic words are identified from a collection of 2000 message posts from Alokab Web forum, which contains radical contents. The SentiLAR provides a list of 1019 sentiment bearing Arabic words related to cyber threats, radicalism, and conflicts along with their morphological variants and sentiment polarity. For polarity determination, a semi-automated analysis process by three Arabic language experts is performed and their ratings are aggregated using some aggregate functions. A Web interface is developed to access both the lexicons (SentiLEN and SentiLAR) of BiSAL data set online, and a beta version of the same is available at http://www.abulaish.com/bisal.  相似文献   
62.
Digital technology is a critical enabler of public administration reforms. It can improve the efficiency and productivity of government agencies and allow citizens to transact with government anytime, anywhere. It can also deepen the democratic process, empowering citizens to participate in policy formulation. In this article Andrew Botros, the director of Expressive Engineering, and Maria Katsonis, from the Department of Premier and Cabinet (Victoria), explore the challenges of the digital world for the public sector. Katsonis presents a primer on digital government tracing its evolution from the e‐government movement of the 1990s to Government 2.0 in the 2000s to today's digital‐by‐default agenda. As technology and its role in public sector reform have progressed, so too have the governance, cultural, and leadership challenges deepened. Botros examines NSW approach to open innovation with the Premier's Innovation Initiative in NSW, the state's open data experience, and Transport for NSW and its management of public transport data. He argues NSW's approach involves a significant innovation trade‐off, requiring fresh thinking in digital‐era collaboration.  相似文献   
63.
WEB技术改变了计算机应用系统的传统模式。在基于 WEB的计算机应用考试系统开发技术的基础上 ,结合广东省成人高校计算机应用无纸化考试系统的开发实践 ,提出了一个基于 WEB技术的计算机应用无纸化考试系统的设计方案  相似文献   
64.
作为使用网络人数最多的群体,青少年中一部分人正经历着主体躯体功能障碍与灵魂“失根”的身心双重病变,以盲目狂欢与随心所欲为表征的主体情感的荒漠化,以虚假繁荣为假象的主体注意力的深度消失与无所归侉,以及主体思维的肤浅化、平面化与单向度等一系列主体畸变现象。  相似文献   
65.
网络政治博客与现代公共治理   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
骆勇 《行政与法》2007,(6):15-17
网络政治博客对现代公共治理的介入,激发了现代公共治理中公民政治参与意识。博客对政治事件的追踪,一定程度上成为现代公共治理中治理者与公众互动的重要手段,某种意义上提高了现代公共治理中治理者的治理素质。通过建立公共治理过程中博客政治参与话语机制,培育公共治理过程中博客政治参与快速反应机制,甄别公共治理过程中博客政治参与信息的真伪性,都将有助于网络时代现代公共治理的普遍形成。  相似文献   
66.
Why would an autocrat want, or at least make it appear to want, to reduce election fraud? In recent years, non-democratic rulers have surprisingly begun to embrace fraud-reducing technologies, like web cameras or transparent ballot boxes. The reason for this is found in the relative ease by which one type of fraud can be replaced with another. With the help of new fraud identification techniques, I argue that the installation of web cameras in polling stations changes how fraud is conducted. Web cameras do not reduce fraud, but rather make certain blatant forms of fraud, like ballot box stuffing, more costly. Autocrats then substitute for other types of fraud, such as fabricating the vote count out of view of the cameras.  相似文献   
67.
Web2.0的出现使得网络商标侵权的侵权主体分散化、侵权角色多重化、侵权行为多样化、侵权关系复杂化,这一趋势使得传统商标领域的规则很难有效地为权利人服务.为了更好地促进Web2.0的发展和保护商标权利人的合法权益,有必要建立商标间接侵权制度,找寻主体相对集中、角色单一、对于网络行为有较高级别的管理能力和处于网络关系上层的主体--网络服务提供商来承担相应的替代责任,扩大商标权的保护,更好地维护商标权人的合法利益.  相似文献   
68.
开发基于Web的分布式应用程序策略研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
分布式对象技术已经成为建立服务器应用框架和软件构件的核心技术,本文结合当前三种主流的分布式对象技术CORBA、COM、Java,对开发分布式Web应用系统的策略进行了探讨。  相似文献   
69.
This paper explores Internet tools used for consensus building during the 2010 Italian regional elections, especially focusing on the use of the Internet to involve the electorate in a background of political disaffection. Previous experience from the United States and European countries suggests that the Internet is an interesting tool for the creation and development of consensus and shows an increasing use of Internet-based communication for elections. In this context, the research has two objectives. The first is to measure the degree of use of Internet tools by the main candidates to develop participation in several local areas, more limited than those traditionally investigated in the literature. To this end, we used the technique of analysis of site functionality, properly integrated to make it suitable for measuring the use of tools for participation, to compute for each candidate a reliable index of participation. Second, the work aims to understand how different contexts of electoral competition may encourage or lessen the inclination to use Internet communication tools in a participative sense. The analysis reveals a positive correlation between the affiliation of the candidate for the ruling party and the tendency for this candidate to use tools of participation more than the competitor.  相似文献   
70.
In a changing world ridden with crises and characterised by a general redistribution of power, regional organisations need to reinvent themselves. Equally, the study of regionalism has to reject its traditional Eurocentrism to embrace new conceptual categories in order to describe more effectively the variety of regional processes across the world. Against this background, this article looks at the European project and its current crisis before discussing other regional ‘experiments’ in Africa, Asia and Latin America, which rest on different principles but also manifest considerable shortcomings. The analysis points to the need to look at regionalism with a critical eye, emphasizing the undeniably important achievements but also the hidden threats that a certain model of regional integration (for instance, the classical top-down elite-driven process adopted by the EU founding fathers) can pose to the sustainability of regional cohesion and the adaptability of this model to other areas of the world.  相似文献   
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