现代化道路上的分裂与整合——辛亥革命与明治维新后中日两国不同国家状态的原因探析

20世纪初期的中国辛亥革命与19世纪中后期的日本明治维新都具有鲜明的资产阶级革命基本性质,都打破了原有的政权结构,引发了各自国家社会的全面变革。然而,两国变革后的国家状态却大相径庭——中国从中央集权走向军阀混战,日本从幕藩二元制走向高度中央集权。其结果既是两国革命宗旨和领导力量的差异所致,也与当时两国社会经济以及政治结构的差异密不可分。     

两制与两岸架构下的澳台区际关系

内地、香港、澳门、台湾都是中国的组成部分,但香港、澳门是中国＂一国两制＂框架中的特别行政区,台湾则是中国主权统一、治权分离架构下的特殊地区,澳台关系既有＂一国两制＂之主权统一、高度自治的成份,又有主权统一、治权分离内涵。澳台关系因为澳门被殖民统治、台湾被日本殖民统治、中国内战及主体资格的改变、澳门主权回归中国而分为多个阶段。澳门回归后的澳台关系,既属于一个国家内的＂两区＂关系,但又因治权自立而呈现＂两境（治权境界）关系＂。     

国家侵权精神损害赔偿法律适用问题研究——兼评《国家赔偿法》第三十五条

2010年新《中华人民共和国国家赔偿法》第35条明确规定了精神损害赔偿制度,在我国国家赔偿制度史上具有里程碑意义,也是国家在尊重和保护人权方面的进一步发展。但是,国家侵权精神损害赔偿在法律适用上仍需在识别要件、适用范围、适用原则和数额计算等方面进一步明确。     

Why states have no right to privacy,but may be entitled to secrecy: a non-consequentialist defense of state secrecy

ABSTRACT

Despite an increase in initiatives aimed at enhancing political transparency, democratic states claim the right to withhold information from citizens: classified intelligence and military programs, diplomatic discretion, closed-door political bargaining, and bureaucratic opacity are examples. Can the state’s claim to restrict access to information be justified? In the first part of the essay, I focus on the arguments that defend the state’s claim to restrict access in terms of the state’s right to privacy where the state privacy is presented as a species of group privacy. While I concede that group privacy may be defended, I argue that governments and parliaments are not the kind of groups that may exercise privacy against citizens because of the relation of accountability in which they stand to citizens. In the second part of the essay, I propose an alternative argument to the effect that the scope of openness required in democratic governance is less extensive than traditionally assumed. I focus on the concept of democratic authority and argue that we can understand the practices of classification as an exercise of a special right to secrecy that is implied in the democratic state’s right to rule in a content-independent way.     

马克思的市民社会思想对我国社会发展的启示

本文认为,市民社会是市场经济的必然产物,但不是发展的目的,它应上升到更高层次的自由社会。由于我国市民社会的特殊性使得这一目标的实现必需借助国家的力量来完成。因为中国的市民社会不仅是市场经济的产物,也是国家意志的产物,它是被自上而下建立起来的,与国家有着天然的良性关系。因此,大力培育和发展中国式的市民社会,对于我们的社会发展和国家定位都有着重大的意义。     

国家赔偿的经费保障问题研究

新修订的《国家赔偿法》并没有为国家赔偿经费提供有效的立法保障。要进一步明确国家作为国家赔偿责任主体的法律地位,为公共财政支付国家赔偿金提供法律依据,在公共财政体制下,各级财政对国家赔偿的支出责任应按照产生国家赔偿的公共产品的支出责任划分,同时规定中央财政承担补充责任,对有过错的国家机关和国家机关工作人员追偿,遏制国家赔偿金的绝对数量,以减轻国家赔偿的支出负担。但国家机关和国家机关工作人员承担的不是国家赔偿责任,而是对内的组织法上的责任。     

公物致害责任与建筑物危险责任比较研究

与物有关的侵权,根据损害结果与物的危险性之间的关系,可以分为物之侵权、物上行为侵权和单纯行为侵权三类。其中物之侵权根据公物和私物在公共使用性上的根本差异,可以区分为公物侵权和私物侵权,公物侵权构成公物致害责任,而私物侵权中不动产侵权构成建筑物危险责任。公物致害责任与建筑物危险责任既存在相似性,又存在差异性,其差异性本质...     

When aid builds states: party dominance and the effects of foreign aid on tax collection after civil war

ABSTRACT

Does foreign aid strengthen or weaken post-conflict states? We examine the effects of aid on tax collection after civil war, an important dimension of state effectiveness. While the literature emphasizes aid’s perverse effects, the relationship between aid dependence and the growth of tax collection is unclear. We argue that the impact of aid reflects its political utility for ruling elites in consolidating their authority after civil war. While dominant parties subvert tax strengthening reforms to solidify their political base, elites in more fractionalized settings rely on external political backing to manage internal challenges to their authority, and are more likely to comply with donor conditions. We test this argument through a Latent Curve Analysis of tax collection rate growth in post-civil war countries from 1978 to 2012. We find that aid is associated with slower growth in tax collection in dominant party settings, and more rapid tax growth in politically fractionalized settings. The findings highlight the need for attention to internal political dynamics to explain aid effectiveness after civil war, and point to opportunities to strengthen institutions in some post-conflict countries.     

社会纠纷解决中的国家权力与社会权力

福柯的权力场理论认为，权力是一种生产性的互动结构，权力致力于生产、培育和规范各种力量，权力及其主体是多元的。“维稳政治”的本质是“（国家）权力维稳”，是依靠国家强制力对社会纠纷当事人进行胁迫与压制，其结果是越维稳越不稳。“治理政治”要求国家治理能力和治理体系现代化，社会纠纷解决的权力机制必须多元化、多样化，社会权力应当成为社会纠纷解决的基础性权力。在社会纠纷解决机制中，国家权力与社会权力是一种良性互动关系，不是命令与服从、领导与被领导关系。     

Between Globalism and Localism,Italian Style

Survey and historical evidence reveal that Italians have emerged as the European masters of multiple loyalties, balancing relatively weak levels of state nationalism with strong affinities for sub-state, continental and global identities and institutions. These distinctive patterns can be traced to elite opinion leadership, the perceived material and psychological benefits derived from the European movement, and the legacy of the First Republic's party system.