小鼠皮肤切创愈合过程中caspase-8表达的研究

目的检测皮肤切创愈合过程中caspase-8的表达,探讨用caspase-8表达的规律推测皮肤损伤时间。方法建立小鼠皮肤切创模型,应用免疫组织化学技术和Western blot方法检测切创后不同时间皮肤中caspase-8的表达,以未切创小鼠皮肤组织作对照。结果伤后12~24h的损伤皮肤组织中部分单核细胞表达caspase-8。随伤后时间延长,caspase-8阳性细胞以单核细胞及成纤维细胞为主。结论伤后3~6h,caspase-8阳性细胞比率较低,12h后逐渐升高,3d达到高峰,以后逐渐下降。实验组中,1、3、5、7d组可见明显的caspase-8活化片段,位于分子量Marker44/42处。结论小鼠皮肤切创愈合过程中,caspase-8在损伤区单核细胞及成纤维细胞中表达,其时序性变化规律可望用于皮肤损伤时间的推断。     

西方法律形式合理性形成中的数学因素

数学思维对亚里士多德的三段论逻辑体系的形成起着决定性的影啊,而西方文化逻辑就主要建立在亚里士多德的三段论逻辑体系之上。由于西方的数学是演绎数学,具有形式化的特点,所以,建立在演绎数学基础上的西方文化逻辑便具有注重形式化的特点。西方文化逻辑对西方文化中的所有学科都有影响,法律也不例外。西方的思维方式很大程度上是建立在演绎数学的基础之上,所以,受思维方式影响的西方法律也必然具有形式化的特点,即注重法律形式合理性。由于数学是理性的化身,所以,近现代西方法律理性化的结果使法律得到了数学理性更深的改造。数学思维虽然不是近现代西方法律形式合理性形成的唯一影响因素,但无疑是决定性的影响因素。     

2007年国际风险投资研究特征及前沿动态综述

中国风险投资研究尚处于起步阶段,需要了解国际风险投资研究的现状和发展趋势。沿用作者2006年风险投资研究综述所创建的分析框架,将风险投资研究分为经济学和管理学两个维度、11个研究领域,使用Excel分析了2007年国际风险投资研究的特征,重点介绍了风险投资研究的前沿动态,给出了可能的研究方向。通过对检索到的87篇文献的梳理和分析,发现2007年国际风险投资文献仍然以实证研究为主,欧美学者仍然占据主流位置,美国仍然是研究焦点所在,其成功经验正被包括发达国家在内的世界各国所借鉴以促进创新经济的发展。从期刊来源分析发现,关注风险投资的期刊愈来愈多,其中包括顶级经济学和管理学学术期刊。对文献的内容分析表明,经济学维度的研究除了关注法律和公共政策因素对风险投资的影响这类传统热点之外,开始关注资本市场以及技术水平这类因素,此外,风险投资集群被特别关注;管理学维度研究的热点基本保持不变,但是观点出现分歧,新的动向是对风险投资网络的关注。     

中西文明互鉴中的三种知识汇通模式

明末清初耶稣会士来华所引发的知识汇通,是中西文明互鉴的客观需求和重要表现。中西文化交流过程中形成了三种知识汇通模式:“中学为本”“西学为本”和“中西学并举”。它们分别以“西学东源”“中学西源”和“中西学异源”学说为理论依据,在不同历史时期都曾发挥了主流作用。在中西文化交流频繁的当下,如何将中西知识实现恰如其分的对接,仍是一个十分现实的问题。明末清初以来形成的三种中西知识汇通模式或可提供一些借鉴。     

Trends in the proportion of married women of reproductive age in Spain, 1887–1991

Using the Princeton nuptiality index I_m, we analyzed historical developments in the proportion of married women of reproductive age in Spain. We show the internal diversity in nuptiality patterns and offer an explanatory statistical model based on panel data analysis to identify the main variables influencing these changes over more than a century (1887–1991). We found that Spain has been the developed country with the greatest contrasts in its provincial nuptiality patterns (measured by I_m), although this diversity has lessened over the course of time. We also found that some socioeconomic variables (the gross domestic product per capita and the percentage of population living in cities) do not have a linear relationship with female nuptiality but rather have a U shape or an inverted U shape. This may partly account for some of the controversy that has raged on this topic over the past few decades on an international level.     

“法治”初探——中西“法治”概念之比较

法治建设应该首先明确法治概念的内涵和要素。由于哲学基础、社会结构、国家形态的不同,中国传统历史文化中虽然有法治这一用语,但在概念上与西方通用的内涵大有差异,体现了背后法律思维趣味的不同。中国不曾有过西方近代意义上的法治,法治概念在中国出现才仅仅有百余年历史,我国法治精神的培养和法治建设依然任重而道远。     

西部地区农村工业的使命、制约因素和出路

中国经济发展的地区差距扩大是我国经济发展中的一个重要特征,它不利于地区经济的协调发展.农村工业发展落后是西部地区经济发展滞后的重要原因.分析西部地农村工业发展中的问题,探索促进西部地区农村工业的出路具有十分重要的现实意义.     

Trying not to lose: The electoral consequences of unilateral reform efforts and the social pact formation process

The existing social pact literature claims that governing parties offer social pact proposals because they anticipate they will receive an electoral benefit from social pact agreements. Yet the available data on social pacts inform us that in a substantial minority of cases social pact proposals fail to become social pact agreements. In an effort to better determine the political calculations made by governments before they propose a social pact, this article examines the effect of implementing reform legislation unilaterally, social pact proposals, social pact proposal failures and social pact agreements on the vote share of government parties in 15 Western European countries between 1981 and 2006. It is found that social pact proposals do not have any electoral consequences for governing parties, unilateral legislation and social pact proposal failures reduce the vote share of governing parties, and social pact agreements provide an electoral benefit to parties in minority governments only. These findings suggest that governing parties propose social pacts in a good faith effort to complete a social pact agreement; and that such an agreement is not a way for these parties to gain votes, but to avoid the electoral punishment associated with enacting unpopular reforms unilaterally.     

Electoral volatility and parties’ ideological responsiveness

For a number of decades now, scholars have been indicating that ties between citizens and parties are eroding. As a consequence, electoral behaviour has become more volatile and also more unpredictable. The consequences of this process of change on parties’ strategic behaviour have, however, received little attention. In this article, the impact of dealignment on parties’ strategic behaviour is examined, with the focus being on the extent to which parties are responsive to the mean voter. The expectation of dealignment allowing parties ‘to move around more freely’ leads to the hypothesis that parties are more responsive in a context of dealignment. The analyses provide evidence that is in line with this expectation. Ideological responsiveness is conditioned by the level of volatility in the electorate. The conclusion to draw from these results is that dealignment, which profoundly affects voters’ behaviour, leads parties to become more responsive to the mean voter.     

Cross-pressures and the European lavender vote: Testing the conditionality of the sexuality gap

Emerging evidence points towards the existence of a “sexuality gap” in the political preferences and behaviour of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) voters and that of heterosexuals in Western Europe. Very little is known, however, about how this gap is moderated by socio-economic status. This paper tests the conditionality of the sexuality gap by analysing how the effect of LGB status is conditioned by income and education. Empirically, we rely on data from the European Social Survey (2002–2017) to analyse the marginal effect of sexuality in determining ideological placement, vote choice and support for economic redistribution across different income and education levels. The results demonstrate that the divergence between LGBs' and heterosexuals’ preferences only emerges amongst those with higher income and education. The findings also suggest that the sexuality gap may be the result of the asymmetric effect of these socio-economic variables for LGBs and heterosexuals.