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111.
本文对20世纪中后期以来国内外主要学者在中央与地方关系的理论研究进行系统的分类,将其归纳为中央与地方关系理论研究的五个视角。  相似文献   
112.
西部地区的贫穷与落后,从法律制度上分析,主要是西部法制环境的滞后。如何消除这一不利因素,首先,树立宪法和法律的权威,增强法律至上的观念;其次,依法规范政府的行政行为,增加透明度;第三,加强地方立法建设,确保有法可依。  相似文献   
113.
能否获得足够的资金支持关系着西部大开发的成败,而投资的效益则决定着资金的流向,从而影响着产业的布局。本文从产业结构角度研究西部开发的资金运用情况,为西部大开发的融资提出政策性建议。  相似文献   
114.
俞良早 《理论学刊》2004,4(2):18-22
在列宁的思想中,知识分子创造科学社会主义理论与无产阶级创造这种理论是统一的,在革命斗争过程中党同无产阶级的关系是一种密切的宣传与被宣传、鼓动与被鼓动的关系,而不是取代者与被取代者的关系。“西方列宁学”所谓列宁以“知识分子”取代无产阶级或者以“党”取代无产阶级的说法是对列宁新型无产阶级政党学说的歪曲。列宁十分注重处理好党中央与党的地方组织之间的关系,十分重视发挥党的地方组织的作用和党员的作用;作为党的领袖的列宁,一向尊重党的代表大会和中央全会的意见,执行党的决议。“西方列宁学”提出列宁以党中央取代党的地方组织和党员,以自己取代党中央,是完全站不住脚的。  相似文献   
115.
修订民族区域自治法对西部大开发具有现实意义 :1、为西部地区各民族实现共同富裕 ,加强民族大团结、保持社会稳定和边疆安全提供了基本法律保障 ;2、有利于扩大国内有效需求 ,实现西部地区经济持续快速增长 ;3、为西部民族地区的发展注入了长久的生命力 ;4、有利于西部地区与全国同步实现现代化建设的第三步战略目标 ;5、将西部大开发和少数民族传统文化的合理保护有机地结合起来 ;6、为西部民族地区最终实现科教兴国和人才兴国的战略目标指明了方向。  相似文献   
116.
《Communicatio》2012,38(2):164-180
Abstract

Based on theoretical considerations in the course of the author's current research on the conducting of and changes in political campaign communication in post-1990 Cameroon, this article revisits central discourses on the de-Westernisation of communications studies and outlines culturally-nested theoretical considerations to comprehensively study the practices and changes in political campaign communication in Africa. The article argues that although drawing on supposedly ‘Western’ theories, overall the proposed theoretical considerations constitute an example of a more viable approach to de-Westernise communications theory. The considerations have strong potential to improve our understanding of political campaign communication practices and the changes they may effect in Africa, if they are incorporated into research and not discarded simply on the grounds of regional exceptionalism, as is predominantly the case in Africa.  相似文献   
117.
Italy is often presented as a showcase of populist parties. In the 2013 parliamentary elections, half of the Italian electorate voted for a party that has been labelled populist. During the 1994–2011 period, Italy witnessed four coalition governments dominated by populists. In line with the framework guiding this special issue, Italy thus offers a unique opportunity to trace the reactions of political and societal actors to populists in government. We propose that it is necessary to examine not only how populism's opponents react, but also how fellow populists respond. Indeed, we observe in Italy, on the one hand, what we will call mutating populism and, on the other hand, a peculiar mixture of paralysis, antagonism, and imitation by their opponents. This contribution is structured as follows: first, we describe Italian populism in the context of the end of the Italian First Republic and the emergence of the new party system under the Second Republic. In the process we discuss events under the four Berlusconi governments (1994–1995; 2001–2005; 2005–2006; 2008–2011). In each phase, we distinguish between populist and anti-populist contenders. We also describe the reactions abroad to governing Italian populists, especially within the European Union.  相似文献   
118.
This article describes the experience of privatised urban water-supply and sewerage services in Turkey, focusing on the cases of three cities that have opted for such privatisation. The article opens with an examination of the management of urban water and sewerage services in Turkey and explores the development of water services and water policies in local government institutions. The second section introduces case studies of cities that have transferred the management, operation, and maintenance of urban water services to private operators.  相似文献   
119.
This article reports on the tenth anniversary conference of the Ethical Trading Initiative (ETI), drawing attention to the irony that just as progress is being made on the situation of home workers (among the least protected of all working people) the two organisations that have done so much to raise awareness of these issues themselves face closure for lack of funding.  相似文献   
120.
    
Abstract

European enlargement has often been viewed from an institutional perspective. The academic literature in the field has tended to focus primarily on how the Commission or the Council has addressed the issue of EU expansion. Relatively little attention has been paid to the role of individual member states. This article considers the way in which domestic political concerns and national politics affects the way in which EU members approach enlargement to the Western Balkans. It does this by examining studies conducted on seven countries: Germany, Britain, France, Italy, Hungary, Greece and Cyprus. It shows that there are in fact a wide variety of factors that shape individual member state attitudes towards enlargement. These factors include economic and commercial goals, ties to the region and to individual accession states, concerns over immigration, general foreign policy priorities and national ideological approaches towards the future shape and orientation of the European Union.  相似文献   
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