牛白血病病毒结构蛋白及抗原活性分析

对从FLK/BLV带毒细胞系培养上清提纯的病毒粒子经SDS-PAGE分析,发现主要有11种蛋白组分,其分子量分别为12kd、15kd、24kd、28kd、30kd、45kd、52kd、62kd、70kd、83kd、92kd。其中30kd、52kd、62kd、70kd为糖蛋白;Western Bloting实验表明,BLV主要有8种抗原活性组分,分别是P_(15)、P_(24)、P_(28)、gP_(30)、gP_(52)、gP_(62)、gP_(83)和gP_(92)。     

论中西方人性观的差异

本文认为把中西方人性观的差异归结为性善与性恶之差异,易使人们对中西方的人性观及其差异产生简单化、表面化、抽象化、片面化的理解.本文认为中西方的人性观的差异,与其说为性善与性恶之差异,不如说为一元和谐论与两元对立论、乐观主义与悲观主义、理想主义与现实主义、等级主义与平等主义、泛道德主义与自然主义、义务本位与权利本位之差异.     

西部大开发背景下民族地区发展的新举措

实施西部大开发战略的根本目的是加快少数民族和民族地区的经济和社会的发展。民族地区要充分认识自身的优势以及由此决定的发展有利条件和自身发展的劣势及不利因素 ,寻求正确的开发途径和新的思路 ,确立全新的发展道路     

《诗经》与两周金文韵部比较

在对已见著录的8000多条两周金文收集、整理的基础上,将两周金文韵部与《诗经》韵部作比较,可以进一步明确金文用韵与《诗经》用韵大体相似的结论。王力先生认为《诗经》韵部29部,冬侵为一部,冬部是在战国时期才分化出来。而金文冬、侵都未发现独用例,从二部的统计数字和冬部与东、阳、耕、侵诸部合韵的情况看,冬部似应独立,所以金文韵部应为30部。     

Rule of law and democracy in the Western Balkans: addressing the gap between policies and practice

ABSTRACT

Three decades since the beginning of democratization processes, the Western Balkan countries have built a democratic façade by holding elections, by promulgating legal acts guaranteeing freedom of expression, or by constitutionally declaring a strict system of checks and balances. In reality, however, political elites rely on informal structures, clientelism, and control of the media to undermine democracy. Given that formal democratic freedoms are effective only to the extent that political elites are bound by the effective rule of law, the core argument of this study is that the structural weaknesses of democratic institutions are purposefully exploited by domestic regimes, which are able to misuse these fragile institutions to their advantage.     

Media in the Western Balkans: who controls the past controls the future

ABSTRACT

The contribution assesses the role of the media in respect to democratization and EU accession in the countries of the Western Balkans (WB) and the development of press freedom over the long run. The author closely analyses the legislative framework and its implementation in practice and focuses in particular on the economic and political pressure on the media in the region. The article offers three arguments to explain the bad shape of media freedom in the Balkans: structural factors (state advertisements as the main source of income, economic tycoons close to incumbents as media owners), proximate or external factors (the deteriorating level of media freedom in some EU countries and the whole WB region, with an accent on stability rather than democracy) and political-societal dynamics (defamation and libel as means to punish journalists, verbal and physical assaults on journalists). The media in the WB region do not serve as the watchdog of democracy but are instead used as a means to reinforce illiberal regimes.     

西部大开发与重庆法治建设

西部大开发是在中国建立社会主义法治国家的背景下进行的,健全的法制既是西部大开发的基本条件,也是其必要保障。本文从重庆的具体情况出发,论述了法制建设在西部大开发中的重要地位和作用,并对西部大开发中法制建设的几个中心问题时行了深入、系统的讨论。     

新形势下深化西部地区公安派出所工作改革的探索与思考

当前,公安派出所面临的社会环境发生了深刻的变化,派出所工作内容有了重大调整。面对这一新形势,西部地区公安派出所工作改革要坚持“分类指导,分类考核,分步推进”的原则,大力创新派出所警务运行机制和工作模式。     

Italy and EU enlargement to the Western Balkans: the Europeanization of national interests?

Abstract

Italy is a vocal supporter of EU enlargement to the Western Balkans. Relying on primary and secondary sources and semi-structured interviews, this article analyses Italy’s position, including the ‘what?’ (the traditional views of the country on EU enlargement), the ‘how?’ (formal processes and actual practices of decision-making) and the ‘why?’ (the main factors influencing its position). The expected economic and security benefits for Rome largely compensate for the perceived costs of EU enlargement towards the region. Nevertheless, Italy’s influence capacity is hampered by lack of resources and a traditional focus on mere diplomatic presence, as it emerges from the recent examples of the Berlin Process, the refugee crisis, and the EUSAIR.     

Greece and EU enlargement to the Western Balkans: understanding an ambivalent relationship

Abstract

Greece’s position towards the EU’s enlargement to the Western Balkans remains ambivalent: on the one hand, Greece remains declaratively one of the most ardent supporters of integrating the whole Balkan region into the EU; on the other hand, Greece is also a persistent obstructing factor whenever its multiple interests in the Balkans produce friction. We investigate this ambivalent position to understand its origins. We argue that Greece’s position can be understood with reference to three key factors: (a) the particularities of Greece’s foreign policy-making and its persistent traits, (b) the background of Greece’s relationship with the region and the legacy of multiple disputes that were created or exacerbated in the early post-Communist period and (c) the legacy of turning EU enlargement policy into a Greek foreign policy tool during the 1990s. These factors not only explicate the existence and persistence of Greece’s ambivalent policies, but also are likely to continue to shape Greece’s enlargement policy in the future. In that context, we expect that Greece will engage in a delicate balance of, on the one hand, strategically placing conditionality to ensure favourable compromises with neighbours, and, on the other, not jeopardizing the continuation of the enlargement process per se.