Within the context of acute public spending cuts and the increasing push towards localism, the UK government is increasingly looking outwards to community- and citizen-led action for solutions to long-term social problems and to take on public services. The extent to which these groups have the capacity and willingness to take on politicised roles beyond their purpose and function is, however, not well understood. By reflecting on findings primarily from a street-level mapping project, in this paper discussion focuses on the potential implications arising from grassroots' co-option.La société civile au niveau de la base populaire à la croisée des chemins : rester sur le chemin de l'indépendance ou prendre la voie du gouvernement britannique vers le localisme ?Dans le contexte des profondes coupes sombres opérées dans les dépenses publiques et de la poussée croissante vers le localisme, le gouvernement britannique se tourne de plus en plus vers l'extérieur, vers des actions menées par les communautés et les citoyens pour résoudre les problèmes sociaux à long terme et se charger des services publics. La mesure dans laquelle ces groupes ont les capacités et la volonté nécessaires pour assumer des rôles politisés qui dépassent leur finalité et leur fonction n'est pas, toutefois, bien comprise. En réfléchissant sur les constatations faites principalement dans le cadre d'un projet de cartographie au niveau des rues, la discussion de cet article porte sur les implications potentielles de la cooptation de la base populaire.La sociedad civil de base en la disyuntiva: ¿mantener el camino de la independencia o tomar la ruta del gobierno del Reino Unido hacia el localismo?En un contexto de severos recortes en el gasto público y de creciente impulso hacia el localismo, el gobierno del Reino Unido está fomentando cada vez más que las comunidades y los ciudadanos impulsen acciones tendientes a solucionar longevos problemas sociales y que se hagan cargo de los servicios públicos. Sin embargo, no se comprende bien hasta qué punto dichos grupos tienen la capacidad y la disposición de asumir roles politizados más allá de sus objetivos y de su función. A partir de reflexiones en torno a las conclusiones provenientes principalmente de un proyecto de mapeo a nivel de calle, el presente artículo se centra en analizar las posibles implicaciones que podrían surgir de la cooptación de los grupos de base.Sociedade civil de base na encruzilhada: permanecendo no caminho para a independência ou voltando-se para a rota do governo do Reino Unido em direção ao localismo?Dentro do contexto de significativos cortes nos gastos públicos e um empenho crescente em direção ao localismo, o governo do Reino Unido está cada vez mais olhando para fora para ações coordenadas pela comunidade – e cidadãos – para soluções de problemas sociais de longo prazo e contratação de serviços públicos. Porém, não se sabe muito bem até que ponto estes grupos têm capacidade e disposição de adotar funções politizadas além de seu propósito e função. Ao refletir sobre os resultados obtidos principalmente a partir de um projeto de mapeamento realizado nas ruas, a discussão deste artigo concentra-se nas implicações em potencial que surgem da opção conjunta de base. 相似文献
Civil society in Cyprus has a key role to play in creating spaces for dialogue and cooperation between the Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities. Recent research by the International NGO Training and Research Centre (INTRAC) has identified how these processes have contributed to trust and peacebuilding on the island, the challenges facing organisations engaged in this work, and how these were being addressed. It demonstrates that important steps are being taken by civil society organisations to overcome prejudices and break down barriers, and that by further developing links with local and international policymakers and institutions, civil society could be a stronger player in the peace process.
Renforcement de la société civile et de la confiance à Chypre
La société civile chypriote a un rôle clé à jouer dans la création d'espaces propices au dialogue et à la coopération entre les communautés turque et gréco-chypriote. Des recherches récemment menées par l'International Training and Research Centre (INTRAC) ont identifié la manière dont ces processus ont contribué au renforcement de la confiance et de la paix sur l'île, les défis auxquels sont confrontées les organisations actives dans ce travail, et la manière dont ces défis étaient relevés. Les résultats de ces recherches montrent que des mesures importantes sont prises par les organisations de la société civile pour venir à bout des préjugés et éradiquer les barrières, et qu'en mettant au point des liens avec des décideurs et des institutions internationaux, la société civile pourrait être un protagoniste plus puissant dans le processus de paix.
La sociedad civil y la construcción de confianza en Chipre
En Chipre, la sociedad civil desempeña un rol importante en la creación de espacios para el diálogo y en la cooperación entre las comunidades turca y griega chipriota. Investigaciones recientes, realizadas por el Centro Internacional para la Capacitación y la Investigación (intrac por sus siglas en inglés), han identificado cómo estos procesos han aportado confianza logrando construir paz en la isla, cuáles son los retos enfrentados por las organizaciones que participan en este trabajo, y cómo fueron abordados dichos retos. Asimismo, dichas investigaciones demuestran que las organizaciones de la sociedad civil han dado pasos importantes para superar prejuicios y barreras y que, al desarrollar relaciones adicionales con los formadores de políticas y con las instituciones, la sociedad civil podría convertirse en un actor más fuerte en el proceso de paz.
Sociedade civil e construção da confiança em Chipre
A sociedade civil em Chipre possui um papel-chave na criação de espaços para diálogo e cooperação entre as comunidades cipriotas turcas e gregas. Pesquisa recente do Centro de Treinamento e Pesquisa Internacional (INTRAC) identificou como estes processos têm contribuído para a construção da confiança e paz na ilha, os desafios que as organizações enfrentam neste trabalho e como eles estão sendo abordados. Ela demonstra que passos importantes estão sendo dados pelas organizações da sociedade civil para superar preconceitos e destruir barreiras e, ao desenvolver mais as ligações com formuladores de políticas locais e internacionais e com instituições, a sociedade civil pode ser um agente mais forte no processo de paz. 相似文献
In the public economics literature expenditure needs, allocative efficiency and spatial dependence of local governments costs have been widely analysed separately implying bias estimations of the expenditure needs at local level. An original procedure that simultaneously takes into account the standard level of services, the allocative efficiency and the spatial proximity among Municipalities, has been proposed. The estimation strategy has been applied on a very detailed database of more than 4,000 Italian Municipalities for the year 2013. 相似文献
AbstractShanghai in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was home to communities and musicians from all parts of the world. Among the over 20,000 Russians living there, a significant population of musicians contributed to the musical life of the city, particularly the Conservatory of Music founded in November 1927. This article reveals an overlooked phase of musical exchange between China and the West by 1) tracing the context and early development of the Conservatory; 2) identifying and discussing the activities of the Russian pedagogues (including Boris Zakharov, Vladimir Shushlin, and Sergei Aksakov amongst others) and their more notable Chinese students’ (including Li Delun, Ding Shande, Wu Leyi, and Yi Kaiji amongst others) reaction to them; 3) assessing the role that Russians played in the affairs of the Conservatory; and 4) demonstrating how Russian pedagogues influenced the development of Western classical music in China through their students’ notable achievements. 相似文献
AbstractThis essay examines an influential debate that took place during China's May Fourth era (circa 1915–1927) concerning the character of “Eastern” and “Western” civilizations. In this debate, both moderates and radicals wrestle with a growing awareness that cultures have not only a spatial existence but also a historical career, which has encouraged the development of certain institutions and attitudes and discouraged others. Spatial terms mark not only the places where knowledge circulates, but also the particular pasts-and thus futures-toward which Chinese thinkers align themselves. This way of figuring “East” and “West” enables May Fourth thinkers to do more than sort civilizational characteristics into categories of the inevitably universal and the irredeemably particular, as many commentators have assumed. It also facilitates the travel of cultural products and practices across the spatial as well as temporal boundaries originally seen to contain them. 相似文献
This article analyses how armed conflict affects individual support for liberal values. It is commonly assumed that the consolidation of democracy depends on individual values such as tolerance as well as aspirations of civil and political liberty. For post-conflict societies, consolidating democracy is also a means of reducing the risk of recurring violent conflict. However, democracy has proven to be especially hard to achieve and consolidate in ethnically divided societies. While previous research has centred mainly on institutions and political elites, I expand the focus to also include ordinary citizens. Using survey data from post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Croatia, I examine the effect of exposure to violence on a scale of authoritarian values. While the effects are small, the results show that war-related violence in some cases leads people to embrace authoritarian values. 相似文献
Regionalization processes across Western Europe have triggered analyses of regional policy divergence. Yet, in a number of cases, regional governments appear to have deliberately strived to achieve policy conformity. Previous research tends to emphasize exogenous explanations of regional policy convergence. In contrast, this paper addresses the issue of regional policy convergence by focusing on endogenous explanatory factors. Its objective is to carry out an investigation of when, how, and with what effect a ‘desire for conformity’ arises, and contends that regional governments may actively cultivate policy similarity as a strategy to develop or secure their policy capacity. Specifically, the paper argues that the adoption of this strategy is contingent upon two requirements that may or may not be met, and that its outcome is the convergence on targeted dimensions of regional policies. The two requirements are: (i) a countrywide public preference for policy uniformity in the policy area of concern, and (ii) the presence of a threat posed to regional policy capacity by various political entrepreneurs, including the central state, who blame regions for providing divergent policies on particular dimensions. This paper is based on the comparison of two case studies where regional governments deliberately pursued policy conformity on targeted dimensions of their education policy: school-building policy in France and curricula policy in Germany. The two case studies also present dissimilar features that make it possible to investigate the effects of institutional setting and policy distribution on the adoption and operation of the active-cultivation-of-policy-similarity strategy. 相似文献
This paper deals with the relationship between high education and labor market in Western Balkan countries. Having in mind that all these countries are in transitional process, suffering from poor economics, poor level of investments, and high unemployment rates, it would be wise that the governments and political elites put the quality of knowledge high on agenda, regarding it as the vital incentive instrument for economic and social development. All social and political subjects should be devoted to procuring good quality of knowledge, which is sensitive to the labor market's needs in all fields. This study attempts to find answer on the question why it is not so, making qualitative, quantitative, and empirical research. It analyzes the relationship between high education and labor market's needs, identifies main factors which influence this relationship, focusing on main influence of political interests and values. The paper presents rare good cases, as lessons from experience for the future. 相似文献